Omar Jabir: A short profile Passed Away Last night in Melbourne, Australia.


“Born in 1945 in
Ali Ghidir near Tessenei where he completed his elementary
and middle school grades, Omar Jabir pursued his secondary
school classes in a boarding school in Port Sudan, and one year
in Khartoum. He completed grade 12 by 1962. During the later
part of 1960s and early 1970s, he was a university student in
Baghdad but could not obtain all of his medical credentials
mainly because of his decision not to become a member of the
Ba’ath Party in Iraq. As indicated below, he was one of the key
players in the student movement in the Middle East. In later
years, he served as a senior cadre of the ELF during the entire
1970s in the fields of student and youth affairs, information and
diplomacy. In 1982, he supported the ELF faction that staged a coup d’etat (for others known as “an uprising”) within the
organization. After liberation in 1991, he took another
controversial decision by going back to Eritrea while it was
under an exclusionist regime that banned all patriotic forces
that took part in the liberation struggle.” Woldeyesus Ammar
I had the privilage to meet and discuss with this wonderful
Eritrean father!

Rest in Peace Ustaz Omar Jabir & May God comfort his family
and friends. It breaks my heart that all these Eritreans who
spent their whole life for the independence of Eritrea are being
buried outside their country they loved so dearly! Really

A Memorable Conversation With Omar Jabir In Melbourne
By Woldeyesus Ammar (August 4, 2005) FROM NHARNET.COM

To my viewpoint, Omar Jabir Omar, a veteran ELF freedom
fighter now in Australia, represents, in one go, a combination of
many things in a contemporary Eritrean in exile – contemporary
here mainly meaning the generations that bore the brunt of national awakening and struggle for Eritrea’s national independence.

First: Omar Jabir is a good representative of the passionately
nationalist Eritrean youth of the 1960s and the 1970s who
studied in the Middle East and played a vital role in building the
Eritrean national liberation struggle – but, alas, only to be
betrayed wholesale in liberated Eritrea.

Second: He suitably symbolizes Eritrea’s leftist revolutionary
generation that worked under nascent (now defunct) Eritrean
parties of the left: LP or the Labour Party within the ELF, and
EPRP or the Eritrean People’s Revolutionary Party within the

Third: Omar Jabir is a good example of independent Eritrea’s
self-inflicted brain drain that unfolded as a result of a well
designed social engineering of Isayas Afeworki’s exclusionist
and evil policies commencing with his “Hashewiye Wudibat” of
20 June 1991 that eventually succeeded to keep at bay literally
all of Eritrea’s intellectuals, especially those with advanced
knowledge of and qualifications in the Arabic language.Fourth:

He symbolizes the failure of PFDJ’s Eritrea to reconcile
even with those who were willing to go an extra mile to make
reconciliation happen after 1991. (The listing of such
symbolisms of Omar and his generation with the situation of
contemporary Eritrea would prove endless.)

During June 2005, I had the opportunity of meeting several
times with Omar Jabir in Melbourne where he took residence
with his family since 1995.

He works for an employment agency while providing voluntary services as president of the 30,000-

strong Horn of Africa Community in Australia (refer to a
previous article in Nharnet, Awna, Alnahda and Farajat about
‘Eritreans in Faraway Australia’.)

In our chitchats, Omar and I talked on a variety of topics and
events of the past, the present and the future. In particular, we
enjoyed our exchange of ‘ancient’ notes about Eritrean student
militancy inside and outside the homeland. I noted to Omar
that I may write down for the benefit of other readers some
specified parts of our talk. And he, a trained journalist himself,
had no objection to whatever I wished to select for writing and
posting in Eritrean websites from the conversation that went
on and on – well spiced by his command of linguistic nuances in
Arabic, English, Tigre and Tigrinia. As many readers may recall,

Omar Jabir has been a constant contributor of articles in Arabic and English to the Eritrean

websites. His present-day stance regarding the regime in
Asmara, his ideas on democratisation, national unity,
reconciliation, and the basic requirements for coexistence and
stable future in Eritrea are well known to many people.
Therefore, I will not bore readers by trying to repeat them here.
Instead, I will concentrate on a few historical events and
experiences, some of them told in the form of anecdotes. But,
first a few notes about the man.

Omar Jabir: A short profile
Born in 1945 in Ali Ghidir near Tessenei where he completed his
elementary and middle school grades, Omar Jabir pursued his
secondary school classes in a boarding school in Port Sudan,
and one year in Khartoum. He completed grade 12 by 1962.
During the later part of 1960s and early 1970s, he was a
university student in Baghdad but could not obtain all of his
medical credentials mainly because of his decision not to
become a member of the Ba’ath Party in Iraq. As indicated
below, he was one of the key players in the student movement
in the Middle East. In later years, he served as a senior cadre of
the ELF during the entire 1970s in the fields of student and
youth affairs, information and diplomacy. In 1982, he
supported the ELF faction that staged a coup d’etat (for others
known as “an uprising”) within the organization. After liberation in 1991, he took another controversial decision by
going back to Eritrea while it was under an exclusionist regime
that banned all patriotic forces that took part in the liberation
Interview with Omar Jabir
Question: Omar, I assume you started politics early in your life.
When was that and what particular events do you still
Answer: I started involvement in politics from my early teenage
years. In fact I was born in politics. My family and the small Ali
Ghidir community in general were among the strong cells of the
Independence Bloc and later on of the Eritrean Liberation
Movement (Haraka/ELM) and the Eritrean Liberation Front
(ELF). I was with the Haraka cells by 1959-60 in Port Sudan
where the movement was founded. I then switched to the ELF
when it became operational. At the age of 20, I already was a
member of the Revolutionary Command in Kassala when it was
formed and took charge of security matters. In fact I was one of
the ELF people in Kassala who arranged the fateful trip to Asmara for your classmates Seyoum Ogbamichael and
Woldedawit Temesghen in August 1965. They were assigned to
re-organize ELF cells in the Eritrean capital but, unfortunately,
they were betrayed by Mulugeta Gherghis, one of us in Kassala
who deserted soon after their departure and had them
apprehended by the Ethiopian authorities. By the end of that
year [1965], I went to Baghdad for higher studies. I was there
throughout the latter part of the 1960s and early 1970s as a
student leader.
Question: We know that the student union in Baghdad that you
chaired was instrumental in the formation in December 1968 of
the General Union of Eritrean Students (GUES). Who else was
with you in the leadership of GUES in the Middle East?
Answer: The student union in Baghdad was among the most
dynamic groups in the Middle East. Among my colleagues in the
leadership of the student movement from Baghdad Osman
Humed, Mohammed Ali Idris, Mohammed Sheikh Abdu Jelil and
Hassan Debesai. Union leaders from Cairo were Abdalla Omar
Nasser, Siraj Mussa Abdu, Omar M. Suleiman and others. From
Europe were Beshir Saeed, Woldu Kahsai, Idris Nur Hussein and
others. It was with the student unions in Damascus, Cairo and
in Europe that we formed the GUES.Question: What roles did GUES play in the nationalist struggle?
Answer: GUES became a full-fledged member of the
International Union of Students (IUS) in Prague and helped
introduce the Eritrean cause to international organizations of
the day. That was a very important achievement. The other role
effectively played by us in GUES was the national service. We all
were committed to spend one year serving in the field with the
ELF before completing our studies. Besides learning more for
themselves, the young service students carried with them
knowledge, enlightenment and many modern ideas to the
fighters and to the rural people inside Eritrea. It was through
that well thought national service that more and more new
blood was injected in the liberation struggle. GUES’s national
service programme was continued till 1977.
Question: And naturally GUES had its share of student martyrs.
Answer: Yes, the first GUES martyr was my elder brother Yahya
Jabir, a medical student from Europe who was martyred on 31
August 1973. That date was being annually marked as the
Eritrean Student Martyrs’ Day by GUES. Other students from
Europe who were martyred while on service included Fitsum
Ghebreselassie, Aregai Habtu, and Abdulgader Idris from
Khartoum University. Question: Did the Arab regimes of the day create interferences
in Eritrean student affairs during those years?
Answer: There were many interferences. For example, I was
barred for two years from entering Cairo by the authorities who
listened to framed up ELF-PLF allegations against the
mainstream GUES of the ELF (Revolutionary Council). The ELFPLF
headed by Osman Saleh Sabbe created their own GUES and
gave us hard time although their union did not have any
international dimension or weight. In later years, the Baathists
also formed their own Eritrean student union in Baghdad and
planted many hurdles against our organization.
Question: Can you recall any memorable event(s) that you
experienced during those student days?
Answer: Oh! yes, many interesting happenings, some of them
shocking. One experience was an extremely embarrassing and
shameful Munich meeting of Eritrean students and workers in
Europe in the summer of 1970. I was on a visit to Germany that
time and attended the meeting as observer. I vividly remember
the poisoned atmosphere at the meeting in which a recorded
speech of Woldeab Woldemariam was played. In it, Woldeab
spoke against the General Command of the ELF (Kiyada Ama). I was forced to present my speech in English because Arabic as
language was banned at the meeting. Idris Badume [presently
residing in Sweden] begged to speak in Arabic because his
mother tongue, Kunama, had no single listener at the meeting
and that he did not have strong command of any other
language except Arabic. The majority of the meeting
participants said no Arabic should be allowed at the meeting.
He thus chose to walkout of the meeting.
Another more embarrassing and quite incredible incident at the
same Munich meeting was the threat to kill. Some meeting
participants looked decided to kill Petros Kidane of Halhal!! The
blunt language used was, “You are from Halhal who are with
Kiyada Ama. Your people killed Kidane Kiflu and Woldai Ghidey
in Kassala. We will kill you today, and there will not be any
mercy!” We were afraid that he was in danger; his friends
helped him escape back to Berlin within hours of the threat. I
believed that they meant to kill him. It was shameful. GUES
members like Fitsum Ghebreselassie, who was chairing the
meeting, Aregai Habtu, Habte Tesfamariam, Embaye ….. and a
few others were insulted and attacked for being “stooges of
Kiyada Ama”. Herui Tedla Bairu also attended the Munich
meeting that can still be a measure of show how low national
awareness was among many Eritreans 30+ years ago. But
frankly speaking some of the participants could have done
better than what they actually did at that meeting of shame in Munich .The anti-ELF elements held their second meeting in
Nuremberg in August 1971 and supported the split of PLF from
the ELF.
Question: And what about left politics of students of that age?
Weren’t you part of the leftist movement?
Answer: Of course we were espousing leftist slogans of the day.
Many of us were co-opted into the Labour Party of the ELF. The
LP gradually took upper hand in Kiyada Ama and it was the
party that organized the First ELF Congress in 1971 and
formulated a national democratic programme. It is my
conviction that everything good that had been done in the ELF
was done by the LP. In its initial stage, the LP recruited and
trained the best cadres for the liberation struggle. However,
problems were created later on when the ELF leadership took
power both in the front and in the party; power struggle
between two ambitious politicians, Ibrahim Toteel and Abdalla
Idris, flared up. This was disastrous. Azien Yassin, who was the
LP Secretary General in 1976 was replaced because of the
power struggle in the front and this power struggle finally
weakened the ELF and contributed to its demise as a military
force.Question: Many thanks, Omar, for your comments about the
roles of GUES and LP in the growth of the ELF. Let me now ask
you about two issues that pop up in discussions among old ELF
comrades. These concern what we call the coup d’etat within
the ELF in 1982 that you supported and then your return to
Eritrea after liberation. What are your comments?
Answer: First about the event at Rasai. Was that event in 1982
a coup d’etat? I say ‘YES’, it was a coup d’etat. In fact, I wrote
this opinion in the ELF’ magazine, ‘The Revolution’,immediately
after that event took place. But was that coup d’etat antidemocratic
and was it conducted against a democratically
elected leadership? My response was and is ‘NO’ for the
following contextual reasons that connect it with the facts on
the ground at that period. In fact the coup d’etat was the last
resort taken to curb a series of wrongdoings and accumulation
of leadership errors that gradually suffocated the organization
to its deathbed. The Executive Committee (EC) that was elected
after the 1975 Second Congress of the ELF became an
absolutely autocratic power that froze the roles of other
institutions and bodies in the organization. This particular EC
refused [for three years] the holding of regular meetings of the
Revolutionary Council. The EC controlled the mass
organizations; created its own GUES and ignored the joint
historic memorandum of mass organizations that told
everything. Then came the collapse [in the hands of the EPLF/TPLF armies] and we crossed the border to the Sudan –
leadership divided and cadres pushing for change in the EC. But
how? Leading cadres were advocating the holding of an
emergency military conference that would exclude civilians and
ELF branches in the Middle East. The final blow was the
Sudanese action of confiscation of arms and then the threat of
taking everybody from Tahdai and Korokon to refugee camps.
The bottle was already broken – pieces left were just
remainders of a legendary ELF that was targeted not only by
EPLF and the Sudan but also betrayed by its leadership. I am
not saying that the 25 March [1982 event] was a saving step for
the whole organization but it was an initiative by one of those
scattered pieces.
Question: And the second issue – do you regret having returned
to Eritrea after 1991?
Answer: I never regret having gone to Asmara [after liberation].
To start with, I am an Eritrean citizen and going back home is a
natural step. Secondly, I went with a vision, principles and
values and came back with them all without any change!
Thirdly, I learned new experience, new facts and tangible
evidences about the theoretical concept I used to have about
EPLF. The fourth reason that I do not regret having gone to
Asmara is that I did not go to serve the regime but I went with
the idea of living as an ordinary Eritrean. My real dream was to settle in my village of origin and work in the family farm or to
have a library for the new generation.
Question: Now, let us envision about a future viable governing
party in Eritrea in the post-PFDJ period that can give Eritrea last
peace and stability. What forces can realize this hope?
Answer: I can say that the present opposition groups can play a
role in shaping such a party. In addition, the outcome of the
governing party (PFDJ) after the expected change will tell what
sort of a political formula we might have for Eritrea. To sum,
future developments and interaction between different forces
will decide the shape and content of such a party.
Thanks a lot.

لبقاء والدوام للـھ الواحد بقلوب ملؤھا الایمان بقضاء الله وقدره الذى لا راد لھ ، تلقینا نبأ رحیل المناضل الجسور الاستاذ / عمر جابر عمر (ابو یحى ) فى ملبورن .

لبقاء والدوام للـھ الواحد
بقلوب ملؤھا الایمان بقضاء الله وقدره الذى لا راد لھ ، تلقینا
نبأ رحیل المناضل الجسور الاستاذ / عمر جابر عمر (ابو یحى ) فى
ملبورن .
لقد ترجل فارس القلم الوطنى الرصین ، وعملاق الكلمة الوطنیة
الھادفة و مصباح الانارة والتنویر … بعد ان صال وجال فى شتى میادن
النضال الحق من أجل تحریر تراب الوطن وانعتاق الانسان الاریترى من
جبروة المستعمر الغاصب .
لقد عرفتھ الساحة الوطنیة الاریتریة منذ باكورة شبابھ الذى تشرب معنى
الوطنیة من اسرتھ المناضلة والمحیط الوطنى الاریترى العمیق الانتماء،
فكانت نبتتھ واقرانھ من اصالة التراب الوطنى الاریترى الامر الذى دفع
بھم لتحمل مسؤولیة انعتاق ا لانسان والتراب الاریترى وان كان
المھردماءھم الطاھرة ـ وما بدلو تبدیلا ـ .
لقد صارع فقید الامة المرض ردحآ من الزمن عمل المرض جاھدا
لیجفف مداد قلمھ ویثبط قدرة وعنفوان عطاءه الغزیر …… ولكن ھیھات
!! فان قلمھ الوطنى الصیال كان فى قمة عطاءه ( كتابة وتحلیلا وتفنیدآ
وتصدیآ للباطل وكاشفآ لكل ما یحاك ضد النضال الوطنى الحر . و عمل
المرض على وھن قوتھ حتى لا یعترى المنابر یتدفق فكرأ وثوریة وطنیة
اریتریة ….. )كان كذلك رحمھ الله حتى اسلم الروح الى بارءھا .
ان الموت حق وان لكل أجل كتاب . واننا اذ نحتسب فقید الامة الارتریة
الى العلى القدیر . نرجو المولى ان یتغمده بواسع رحمتھ ویحشره ورفاقھ
مع الصدیقین والشھداء وحسن اولئك رفیقا وان یلھم اسرتھ الصغیرة
واسرتھ الكبیرة الشعب الارترى قاطبة وكل رفاق دربھ الوطنى الصبر .
انا Ϳ وانا الیھ راجعون .
ممحمود ابراھیم ( ابو رامى ) / بیرث

ኣብ ዝተመደበሉ ዕለት ብ15 ታሕሳስ 2014 ዝጀመረ ህጹጽ ኣኼባ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ንደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ብምልኡም ኩነታት ይቅጽል ኣሎ።

እቲ “ንኹሉ ዕንቅፋታት ብምውጋድ፡ 2ይ ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ ከነዐውት ኢና” ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝብል መሪሕ
ጭረሖ፡ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ህጹጽ ኣኼባ፡ ብዝኽሪ ሰማእታት ስርሑ ከም ዝጀመረ፡ ብድሕሪ’ዚ ኣቦ-መምበር
ባይቶ ኣቶ ጸጋይ የውሃንስ ኣብ መኽፈቲ እቲ ኣኼባ፡ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ንደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ፡
ሓድነት ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ኣብ ምዕቃብ፡ ዕውት 2ይ ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ ንምክያድ ኣገዳስን ታሪኻውን ምዕራፍ
ምዃኑ ብምጥቃስ፡ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ክሓልፎ ዝጸንሐ ዕንቅፋታት ንምስጋር፡ መሪሕነት ባይቶ ብሓላፍነታዊ
መንገዲ፡ ነዚ ኣኼባ’ዚ እትመርሕ ሓዳሽ ሰክሪታሪያ ብገዛ ክትምዘዝ ብዕግበት ከም ዝቕበል ከም ዝገለጸን፡
ክፍሊ ዜና ህጹጽ ኣኼባ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ንደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ኣፍሊጡ።
ቀጺሉ ብምሉእ ዕግበት ናይ ኣኼበኛታት ሰለስተ ዝኣባላታ ኣምራጺ ሽማግለ ተመዚዛ፡ ኣኼባ እትመርሕ
7 ዝኣባላታ ሰክሪታርያ ብደሞክራስያዊ ኣገባብ ብምምራጽ፡ ሰክሪታርያ ኣብ ውሽጣ መቐሎ ስራሕ
ብምግባርን ኣኼባ ዝምረሓሉ ሕጊ ብምውጻእ፡ ኣጀናዳታት ሰሪዓ፡ ህጹጽ ኣኼባ ብልኡም ኩነታት
ይሰላሰል ከም ዘሎን ካብ’ቲ ቦታ ዝተዘርገሐ ዜና ይሕብር።
ኣብ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ካብ ናይ ምጥሓል ሓደጋ ዝደሓነት ኤርትራዊት ነፍሰጾር፣ ኣብ ጃልባ ሓይሊ ባሕሪ
ኢጣልያ ሓሪሳ
ኤርትራውያን ዝርከብዎም 430 ሰደተኛታት ጽዒና ብ16 ታሕሳስ ኣብ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ካብ ናይ
ምጥሓል ሓደጋ ኣብ ዝደሓነት ጃልባ ዝነበረት ኤርትራዊት ነፍሰጾር፣ ኣብ መርከብ ሓይሊ ባሕሪ
ኢጣልያ ከምዝሓረሰት ማዕከን ዜና ዘ ሎካል ኣፍሊጡ ይብል ንረድዮ ኤረና ብምጥቃ ኣብ መስከረም
ኔት ዝወጸ ዜና።
እቶም ስደተኛታት ንስክላ ካብ ምጥሓል ድሒኖም፡ ናብ ናይ ኢጣልያ መርከብ ድሕሪ ምግዓዞም እታ
ኤርትዊት ነፍሰጾር ሕማም ሕርሲ ከምዝጀመራን ብሓገዝ እቶም ህይወት ኣብ ምድሓን ተዋፊሮም ዝነበሩ
ኢጣልያውያን ብሰላም ከም ዝተገላገለትን ብ17 ታሕሳስ 2014 ዝወጸ ዜና ኣረዲኡ።
ስርዓት ህግደፍ ሃለዋት ናይ’ቶም ኣሲርዎም ዘሎ ጋዜጠኛታት ከፍልጥ ተሓቲቱ
ጋዜጠኛታት ብዘይ ዶብ ዝተባህለ ኣህጉራዊ ተጣባቒ ድሕነት ጋዜተኛታት ብ16 ታሕሳስ 2014 ኣብ
ዘውጸኦ መግለጺ፡ ናይ ስርዓት ኣስመራ ጽላኣትን ተቓውሞን ንነጻ ሓሳብን ነጻ ጋዜጠኝነትን መስክሩለይ
ዘድልዮ ጉዳይ ኣይኮነን። ውጽኢት ናይ’ዚ ድማ’ዩ ንሓያሎ ኤርትራውያን ጋዜጠኛታት ኣብ ቤት
ማእሰርቲ ዳጒኑ ዘብልዮም ዘሎ። ስለዚ ንሕና እንተኾነ ክፈጥሖም እንተዘየለ ድማ ሃለዋቶም ከፍልጥ
ንሓትት ኣለና ክብል ገሊጹ።
እንተኾነ ኣፈኛ እቲ ኣህጉራዊ ትካል ዝኾነት ሉሲ ሞሪሎን ምስ ፈሊጡ ክጸምም ዝመረጸ ስርዓት ኣብ
ሓደ መረዳድኢ ነጥቢ ክትበጽሕ ነዊሕ ዓቐበት’ዩ ክትብል ንተለቪዥን ኣልጀዚራ ሓቢራ።
ድ’ሰ(ደ)ኤ* 1+-12-2014

War by Media and the Triumph of Propaganda

By John Pilger /

Why has so much journalism succumbed to propaganda? Why are censorship and distortion standard practice? Why is the BBC so often a mouthpiece of rapacious power? Why do the New York Times and the Washington Post deceive their readers?

Why are young journalists not taught to understand media agendas and to challenge the high claims and low purpose of fake objectivity? And why are they not taught that the essence of so much of what’s called the mainstream media is not information, but power?

These are urgent questions. The world is facing the prospect of major war, perhaps nuclear war – with the United States clearly determined to isolate and provoke Russia and eventually China. This truth is being turned upside down and inside out by journalists, including those who promoted the lies that led to the bloodbath in Iraq in 2003.

The times we live in are so dangerous and so distorted in public perception that propaganda is no longer, as Edward Bernays called it, an “invisible government”. It is the government. It rules directly without fear of contradiction and its principal aim is the conquest of us: our sense of the world, our ability to separate truth from lies.

The information age is actually a media age. We have war by media; censorship by media; demonology by media; retribution by media; diversion by media – a surreal assembly line of obedient clichés and false assumptions.

This power to create a new “reality” has been building for a long time. Forty-five years ago, a book entitled The Greening of America caused a sensation. On the cover were these words: “There is a revolution coming. It will not be like revolutions of the past. It will originate with the individual.”

I was a correspondent in the United States at the time and recall the overnight elevation to guru status of the author, a young Yale academic, Charles Reich. His message was that truth-telling and political action had failed and only “culture” and introspection could change the world.

Within a few years, driven by the forces of profit, the cult of “me-ism” had all but overwhelmed our sense of acting together, our sense of social justice and internationalism. Class, gender and race were separated. The personal was the political, and the media was the message.

In the wake of the cold war, the fabrication of new “threats” completed the political disorientation of those who, 20 years earlier, would have formed a vehement opposition.

In 2003, I filmed an interview in Washington with Charles Lewis, the distinguished American investigative journalist. We discussed the invasion of Iraq a few months earlier. I asked him, “What if the freest media in the world had seriously challenged George Bush and Donald Rumsfeld and investigated their claims, instead of channeling what turned out to be crude propaganda?”

He replied that if we journalists had done our job “there is a very, very good chance we would have not gone to war in Iraq.”

That’s a shocking statement, and one supported by other famous journalists to whom I put the same question. Dan Rather, formerly of CBS, gave me the same answer.  David Rose of the Observer and senior journalists and producers in the BBC, who wished to remain anonymous, gave me the same answer.

In other words, had journalists done their job, had they questioned and investigated the propaganda instead of amplifying it, hundreds of thousands of men, women and children might be alive today; and millions might not have fled their homes; the sectarian war between Sunni and Shia might not have ignited, and the infamous Islamic State might not now exist.

Even now, despite the millions who took to the streets in protest, most of the public in western countries have little idea of the sheer scale of the crime committed by our governments in Iraq. Even fewer are aware that, in the 12 years before the invasion, the US and British governments set in motion a holocaust by denying the civilian population of Iraq a means to live.

Those are the words of the senior British official responsible for sanctions on Iraq in the 1990s – a medieval siege that caused the deaths of half a million children under the age of five, reported Unicef. The official’s name is Carne Ross. In the Foreign Office in London, he was known as “Mr. Iraq”. Today, he is a truth-teller of how governments deceive and how journalists willingly spread the deception. “We would feed journalists factoids of sanitised intelligence,” he told me, “or we’d freeze them out.”

The main whistleblower during this terrible, silent period was Denis Halliday. Then Assistant Secretary General of the United Nations and the senior UN official in Iraq, Halliday resigned rather than implement policies he described as genocidal.  He estimates that sanctions killed more than a million Iraqis.

What then happened to Halliday was instructive. He was airbrushed. Or he was vilified. On the BBC’s Newsnight programme, the presenter Jeremy Paxman shouted at him: “Aren’t you just an apologist for Saddam Hussein?” The Guardian recently described this as one of Paxman’s “memorable moments”. Last week, Paxman signed a £1 million book deal.

The handmaidens of suppression have done their job well. Consider the effects. In 2013, a ComRes poll found that a majority of the British public believed the casualty toll in Iraq was less than 10,000 – a tiny fraction of the truth. A trail of blood that goes from Iraq to London has been scrubbed almost clean.

Rupert Murdoch is said to be the godfather of the media mob, and no one should doubt the augmented power of his newspapers – all 127 of them, with a combined circulation of 40 million, and his Fox network. But the influence of Murdoch’s empire is no greater than its reflection of the wider media.

The most effective propaganda is found not in the Sun or on Fox News – but beneath a liberal halo. When the New York Times published claims that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, its fake evidence was believed, because it wasn’t Fox News; it was the New York Times.

The same is true of the Washington Post and the Guardian, both of which have played a critical role in conditioning their readers to accept a new and dangerous cold war. All three liberal newspapers have misrepresented events in Ukraine as a malign act by Russia – when, in fact, the fascist led coup in Ukraine was the work of the United States, aided by Germany and Nato.

This inversion of reality is so pervasive that Washington’s military encirclement and intimidation of Russia is not contentious. It’s not even news, but suppressed behind a smear and scare campaign of the kind I grew up with during the first cold war.

Once again, the evil empire is coming to get us, led by another Stalin or, perversely, a new Hitler. Name your demon and let rip.

The suppression of the truth about Ukraine is one of the most complete news blackouts I can remember. The biggest Western military build-up in the Caucasus and eastern Europe since world war two is blacked out. Washington’s secret aid to Kiev and its neo-Nazi brigades responsible for war crimes against the population of eastern Ukraine is blacked out. Evidence that contradicts propaganda that Russia was responsible for the shooting down of a Malaysian airliner is blacked out.

And again, supposedly liberal media are the censors. Citing no facts, no evidence, one journalist identified a pro-Russian leader in Ukraine as the man who shot down the airliner. This man, he wrote, was known as The Demon. He was a scary man who frightened the journalist. That was the evidence.

Many in the western media haves worked hard to present the ethnic Russian population of Ukraine as outsiders in their own country, almost never as Ukrainians seeking a federation within Ukraine and as Ukrainian citizens resisting a foreign-orchestrated coup against their elected government.

What the Russian president has to say is of no consequence; he is a pantomime villain who can be abused with impunity. An American general who heads Nato and is straight out of Dr. Strangelove – one General Breedlove – routinely claims Russian invasions without a shred of visual evidence. His impersonation of Stanley Kubrick’s General Jack D. Ripper is pitch perfect.

Forty thousand Ruskies were massing on the border, according to Breedlove. That was good enough for the New York Times, the Washington Post and the Observer – the latter having previously distinguished itself with lies and fabrications that backed Blair’s invasion of Iraq, as its former reporter, David Rose, revealed.

There is almost the joi d’esprit of a class reunion. The drum-beaters of the Washington Post are the very same editorial writers who declared the existence of Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction to be “hard facts”.

“If you wonder,” wrote Robert Parry, “how the world could stumble into world war three – much as it did into world war one a century ago – all you need to do is look at the madness that has enveloped virtually the entire US political/media structure over Ukraine where a false narrative of white hats versus black hats took hold early and has proved impervious to facts or reason.”

Parry, the journalist who revealed Iran-Contra, is one of the few who investigate the central role of the media in this “game of chicken”, as the Russian foreign minister called it. But is it a game? As I write this, the US Congress votes on Resolution 758 which, in a nutshell, says: “Let’s get ready for war with Russia.”

In the 19th century, the writer Alexander Herzen described secular liberalism as “the final religion, though its church is not of the other world but of this”. Today, this divine right is far more violent and dangerous than anything the Muslim world throws up, though perhaps its greatest triumph is the illusion of free and open information.

In the news, whole countries are made to disappear. Saudi Arabia, the source of extremism  and western-backed terror, is not a story, except when it drives down the price of oil. Yemen has endured twelve years of American drone attacks. Who knows? Who cares?

In 2009, the University of the West of England published the results of a ten-year study of the BBC’s coverage of Venezuela. Of 304 broadcast reports, only three mentioned any of the positive policies introduced by the government of Hugo Chavez. The greatest literacy programme in human history received barely a passing reference.

In Europe and the United States, millions of readers and viewers know next to nothing about the remarkable, life-giving changes implemented in Latin America, many of them inspired by Chavez. Like the BBC, the reports of the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Guardian and the rest of the respectable western media were notoriously in bad faith. Chavez was mocked even on his deathbed. How is this explained, I wonder, in schools of journalism?

Why are millions of people in Britain are persuaded that a collective punishment called “austerity” is necessary?

Following the economic crash in 2008, a rotten system was exposed. For a split second the banks were lined up as crooks with obligations to the public they had betrayed.

But within a few months – apart from a few stones lobbed over excessive corporate “bonuses” – the message changed. The mugshots of guilty bankers vanished from the tabloids and something called “austerity” became the burden of millions of ordinary people. Was there ever a sleight of hand as brazen?

Today, many of the premises of civilised life in Britain are being dismantled in order to pay back a fraudulent debt – the debt of crooks. The “austerity” cuts are said to be £83 billion. That’s almost exactly the amount of tax avoided by the same banks and by corporations like Amazon and Murdoch’s News UK. Moreover, the crooked banks are given an annual subsidy of £100bn in free insurance and guarantees – a figure that would fund the entire National Health Service.

The economic crisis is pure propaganda. Extreme policies now rule Britain, the United States, much of Europe, Canada and Australia. Who is standing up for the majority? Who is telling their story? Who’s keeping record straight? Isn’t that what journalists are meant to do?

In 1977, Carl Bernstein, of Watergate fame, revealed that more than 400 journalists and news executives worked for the CIA. They included journalists from the New York Times, Time and the TV networks. In 1991, Richard Norton Taylor of the Guardian revealed something similar in this country.

None of this is necessary today. I doubt that anyone paid the Washington Post and many other media outlets to accuse Edward Snowden of aiding terrorism. I doubt that anyone pays those who  routinely smear Julian Assange – though other rewards can be plentiful.

It’s clear to me that the main reason Assange has attracted such venom, spite and jealously is that WikiLeaks tore down the facade of a corrupt political elite held aloft by journalists. In heralding an extraordinary era of disclosure, Assange made enemies by illuminating and shaming the media’s gatekeepers, not least on the newspaper that published and appropriated his great scoop. He became not only a target, but a golden goose.

Lucrative book and Hollywood movie deals were struck and media careers launched or kick-started on the back of WikiLeaks and its founder. People have made big money, while WikiLeaks has struggled to survive.

None of this was mentioned in Stockholm on 1 December when the editor of the Guardian, Alan Rusbridger, shared with Edward Snowden the Right Livelihood Award, known as the alternative Nobel Peace Prize. What was shocking about this event was that Assange and WikiLeaks were airbrushed. They didn’t exist. They were unpeople. No one spoke up for the man who pioneered digital whistleblowing and handed the Guardian one of the greatest scoops in history. Moreover, it was Assange and his WikiLeaks team who effectively – and brilliantly – rescued Edward Snowden in Hong Kong and sped him to safety. Not a word.

What made this censorship by omission so ironic and poignant and disgraceful was that the ceremony was held in the Swedish parliament – whose craven silence on the Assange case has colluded with a grotesque miscarriage of justice in Stockholm.

“When the truth is replaced by silence,” said the Soviet dissident Yevtushenko, “the silence is a lie.”

It’s this kind of silence we journalists need to break. We need to look in the mirror. We need to call to account an unaccountable media that services power and a psychosis that threatens world war.

In the 18th century, Edmund Burke described the role of the press as a Fourth Estate checking the powerful. Was that ever true? It certainly doesn’t wash any more. What we need is a Fifth Estate: a journalism that monitors, deconstructs and counters propaganda and teaches the young to be agents of people, not power. We need what the Russians called perestroika – an insurrection of subjugated knowledge. I would call it real journalism.

It’s 100 years since the First World War. Reporters then were rewarded and knighted for their silence and collusion. At the height of the slaughter, British prime minister David Lloyd George confided in C.P. Scott, editor of the Manchester Guardian: “If people really knew [the truth] the war would be stopped tomorrow, but of course they don’t know and can’t know.”


It’s time they knew.


Follow John Pilger on twitter @johnpilger

ህግደፍሲ ከዳሚትዶ ገዛኢት? 18 . 12 . 20014፡ 2ይ ክፋል ግደፍ ዝፈከረስ ዝወርወረ! 12/18/2014

2ይ ክፋል ግደፍ ዝፈከረስ ዝወርወረ!
እቲ ኣርእስቲ ከይነውሕ እናተሓሰበ ይቆራረጽ ከምዘሎ ኣብ ግምት ከተእትዉለይ እናተተስፈኹ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ
ጽሑፈይ እቲ ድምጺ ኤረና ዘቕረበትልና ዛንታ ናይቲ ንኡስ ፖለቲከኛ ሰሚዕና ብሰበብ ናይቲ ምስጡር ግፋ
ከምዝነፍጽ ኢና ተዓዚብና። ግፋ ከኣ ከም ጃምላዊ ሕፍ ሳ መጠን ዓላማኡን ኣተገባብራኡን እንተዘይኮይኑ
ኣድላይነቱስ ኣይምተወገዘን። እንተኾነ ኣብ ሃገርና ንምሕፋስ ዘገድድ ነገር እንታይ ከ ምዝኾነ ሎምስ ኩሉዜጋ
ክርድኦ ከምዝኸኣለ ንርዳእ። ኣብ ውሽጢ’ቲ ዝዘራእካዮ ተጸንቢሩ ዝበቁል ብዙሕ ክርዳደ-ካልእ ማልእ ክትጽ ህዮ
ወይ ክትኣርዮ ይከኣል። ኣብ ውሽጢ’ቲ ብዙሕ ዘየድልየካ ነገር ዝተሓወሰ ተመራጺ ድማ ትለቕሞ፡ ትቖልቦ ወይ
ትቕርሞ። እዚ ምስ ዘይጥዕም’ዩ ዝግፈፍ። ግፋ’ውን ንተደላይ ወይ ዘይተደላይ ምስመጸኻ ነቲ ዘተረፈ ናብቲ
ዝነበሮ ክትመልሶ ሕጊ ምግፋፍ የገድደካ’ዩ።
ብዛዕባ ናይታ መስርሕ ግፋ ‘ክትመሚ’ ዝተደኮነት ህግደፋዊት መስናዕ (ቤት ማእሰርቲ) ዓዲ ኣበይቶኸ እንታይ
ብርሃነ ኣፍሮ (ሓደ ካብቶም መርመርቲ ማሕቡስ ዓዲ ኣቤቶ) ዝሃበና ሓበሬታ ትዝክርዎ ትኾኑ። ህግደፍ
ኣብውሽጢ ህዝብና ፈታዊ ስለ ዘይብሉ እቲ ኩሉ ዝግፈፍ ንንግዳዊ መዓላ ዝተወጠነ ኢዩ። ግደፍ ነቶም ንኣሽቱ
ደቁ፡ ኣሕዋቱን መቕርቡንስ ነቶም ብኮነ ተባሂሉ ብዕድ መ ኣዝዮም ንዝደፍኡ ኣቦ ወይኣደ ዝተቐየድዎ ዘበለ
ብገንዘብ ከናግፎም ከምዝግደድ በሪሁ ኢዩ። ዶላር እንተዘይኣትያ ብሳዕቤን መርመ ራ ይዅን ማእሰርቲ ዝመጽእ
ሞት ንህግደፍ ዕዳጋኡ ኢዩ። ሬሳ ንምውሳድ ድማ ግድን ክኽፈለሎም ስለዝኾነ። ካብኡ ተረፈ ግና ቃል ና ይቲ
ተራኺ ዘይምርሳዕ። ንሱ ንገለ ሰባት ኣብ ቅልጽሞም ጸሊም ጨርቂ ይእሰረሎም ከምዝነበረ ገሊጽዎ ኢዩ። ጸሊም
ጨርቂ ንምታይ?
ኣይትሸገሩ፡ ኩሉ ዝተዓዘበ ፖለቲከኛ ቆልዓ ኣብ ገዛእ ሃገሩ ክትዕቅቦ ዝነበራ መሬት ባሕሪ፡ ጽባሕ መበላሸዊኡ
ተወጢኑ ንዝተዘርአ ሓሽ ሽ ዝሕልዉ ኣዛብእ ማሳይ ካብተፈነዉዋ፡ ኢዱ ከይሃበ ሓንቲ መዓልቲ ብዝኾነ ዋጋ
ወጺኡ ክብድህን ከዘንትወልናን’ዩ። እንተ ትማሊ፡ ጎደፋ’ውን ምስቲ ዝነበሮ ጭቡጥ ሓበሬታ ሓዊሱ፡ ናይ ሎሚ
ዘመን ህግደፋዊት ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዓዲ ኣቤቶ ብርግጽ ተምሳል ናይታ ትማ ሊ 1.5 ሚሊዮን ግዳያት ዘህለቐት
መዳጎኒት ቅዝፈት ዝነበረት ፖላንዳዊት ኣውሸዊትዝ (Auschwitz) ከምትመሳሰል ዘብርህ ጽሑፍ ኣ ቕሪቡ
ነይሩ። ሎሚ ድማ እንሆ ንዝተራእየን ገና ንዘይተራእየን ቀላሊዑ ዘገማጥለና ሓሳባት ክንውንን ብምብቃዕና
ይመስገኖ ፈጣሪ!
ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ቅንያት ፕሮፈሶር ኣብ መጽናዕቱ ሃገርና ከመይ ከምዘላ ብውሕልነት ኣስፊሑ ተንቲንዎ ከምዘሎ፡
ነፍሲ-ወከፍ ሃገራዊ’ውን በዚ ዘሎ ንገሌና ኣይሕሱብ ዝነጠበ ኩነታት ዘይተሸቑረረ የብልናን። እሞ ናቱ ይኹን
ናይተን ዝመረጽኩወን ኣርእስታት ከምኣብነት ክጠ ቓቕስ ደልየ እንተዘይኮይነ ንዓዐን ኣብሊጸ ክድግፍ ወይ
ክወቕስ ሓሊነ ኣይኮንኩን። እቲ ቅንጥብጣብ ሓሳባት ኣብ ሓደ እንተተኣኪቡ ል ክዕ ሓቀኛ ነጸርታ ሕማም ሃገርና
ስለዝህብ ዘላቒ መድሃኒቱ ክንመርጽ ኣየጸግመናን ኢለ’የ። ከም ኣበጋግሳይ ንምቕጻል በሉ ንስዓብ።
“ኤርትራ ብዘይመንግስቲ ብዘይተቓወምቲ”። ጽሑፍ ናይቲ ንብውልቀይ ካብ ሓሲቡ ክዛረብስ ከይሓሰበ
ክጽሕፍን ባዕሉ ከንብቦን ዝም ቅረኒ ጋዜጠኛን ፖለቲከኛን ኣማኑኤል ኢያሱ ኢዩ። ከምተውህቦ’ውን ንሱ ኩላሓሳባቱ ኣብታ ዝመርጻ ኣርእስቲ ከምትጠቓለል ኮይና ት ስማዓኒ። ብርግጽ ከኣ ኤርትራ ብዘይ ተቓወምትን
መንግስትን ምትራፋ ምስቲ “እዚዶ ደይዚ” ዝብል መጽናዕቲ ፕሮፈሶር ዝሰማማዕ ኮ ይኑ ረኺበዮ። ‘ቲ ሕቶ
ክደግሞስ፡ “ስለምንታይ ኢዩ መራሒ ህግደፍ ሃገራውያን ኣብሪሱ ንፖቲካዊ ባዶነት መሪጽዋ”?
ክሳብ’ዚ ቀረባ እዋን ህሉው ኩነታት ሃገርና ንናይ ማዕዶ ተዓዘብቲ ዝርንዝሕ እናኣንበዐ ምሓልፎ ብዋናታት ክጓነ
ወይ ብሰበብ ኣመሪካን ወያነን ክመሳመሰሉ ኢዩ ጸኒሑ። ቀዳመይቲ ምስምስ ምስኣረገት ኢሳይያስ ናይ ስልጣን
ሕማም’ዃ እንተኣለዎ ከም ሓደ ንቡር ክንቅበሎ ኢና ተጎስጒስና። ንሱ’ውን ከምዘንደልሃጽና ፈሊጡ መታን
ኣጸቢቕና ክንዕዘር ስልጣን ብስሪኡ ከምዝበሓተ ኣምሲሉ’ዩ ክዕበየልናን ከሀ ውትተናን ተሰምዐ’ሞ ነገር ምስምስ
ፈጺማ ኣብሖ ኮነት። ከመይሲ ስልጣንካ ምዕቃብ’ኮ ንቡር ፖቲካዊ መስርሕ ኢዩ። ግን ስልጣን ሃገ ርን ህዝባን
ብምዕናውን ምዝራውን ድያ ትዕቀብ ወይስ ብምህናጽን ምጥርናፍን?
ከይንጋገ ምእንትስ፡ ስልጣን ድኣ መንከ ተጻቢእዎ ይፈልጥ? ንሱ’ውን ከምዘንደልሃጽና ፈሊጡ መታን ኣጸቢቕና
ክንዕዘር “ስልጣን ዝሃበ ኒ የለን”T ኢሉ ከሀውትተናን መላኽነቱ ከርዕመናን ክፍትን ተሰሚዑ ኢዩ። እንተኾነስ
ብርግጽ ዓሻ ኢዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኪኖ ስልጣን መ ንነት’ውን’ኮ ሂብዎ ኢዩ። ህዝብና ኪኖ ቆመና ውላዱን
መቕርቡን ኣብ ልዕሊ ኢሳይያስ እምነት ብምሕዳር ንብረቱ፡ ገንዘቡን ሓዳሩን ኣረ ኪቡ ኢዩ። ክሳብ ከምልዕለ-
ተፈጥሮ፡ ከም ኣምላኽ ተሳሊምዎ። ንሱ ግን ብእምነት ህዝቡ ካብዘይዓገበ ስዉር ብልሓቱ ከምቲ ዝበሃል ህ ርፋን
ስልጣን ከምዘይኮነ ናይ ኣደባባይ ምስጢር ኮይኑ ንታሪኽ ክስነድ በታ “ጭብጢ”T ትብልቃል ከይተጎናደብና
ኣዳዕዲዕና ነቃልሓዮ።
ትማሊ ሓሊፍና ሎሚ ድማ ኮነት’ሞ ምስምስ ከኣ ተሳእነ። ግናኸ ሎሚ’ውን ከምትማሊ መራሒና ንስልጣን
ክብል ከምዘባድመና ጥራይ ይመስለና እንተኣልዩ ከይንዕሹ ንጠንቀቕ። ሓደ ሓቂ ኣብዘይግዚኡ ከይእመን
ስለዝኽእል ማለት እንተዘይኮይኑ ኢሳይያስ ስልጣን ንምን ታይ ክጥቀመሉ ኢዩ ክንድኡ ዝዋደቐሉ ክንምልሶ
ግቡእ ኢዩ። ፕረሲደንት ኢሳይያስ ብመትከል ኣይናህናን ኢዩ። ብውልቀይ ከምሓደ ሃ ገራዊ ደጋጊሙ
ከምዝመሰለኒ ህግደፍ ሕጂ’ውን ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝዓስከረ ነቐዝ ሃገር ምዃኑ ብዘይጥርጥር እብሎ ኣለኹ።
ንነገሩ ፕረሲደንት ኢሳይያስ እንታይ ዝኣመሰለ ዓለማዊ ኣድላይነት ሃልይዎ ኢዩ ኣብ ስልጣኑ ክቑንቁን ተደልዩ?
መንዩኸ ዝሕልዎን ነቲ
ቅንጣብ’ዃ ዘየደናግር ኣባናን ከባቢናን ንርእዮ ዘለና ፖለቲካዊ ድራማታት ብኣምሳል ወዲ ኣፎም በራድ ዝዝውሮ
ብዛዕባ ዝርአ ዘሎ ዓለማዊ ኩነታትን ኣሳሳይነት ህግደፍን ኣብዚሐ ስለዘእወኹሉ ሕጂ’ውን ክደጋግሞ ባህጊ’ኻ
የብለይን። እንተኾነስ ንሰ ፍላላ ድማ ክሳብ ትቃላዕ ከምዝኾነላ መጠን ወያ ብፖለቲካዊ መንነታ ዘይትተኣማመን
ጎበጨረ ሰልፊ ከኣ መሐከሊት ትጥቀመላ ዘላ ፍ ልስፍና ሓንቲ ዓለም ኣብ ውሽጥና ኣእትያ’ኳ እንተ ኣሳጸየትና፡
ፖለቲካዊ ምርጫኣ ዘይኮነስ ውጽኢት ቅልውላዉ ፖለቲካዊ መንነታን እ ምነታን ኢዩ። ማለተይ ህግደፍ “ኮን
ዶኾን” ኢላ ትድርገሞ እንተዘይኮይኑ “ቀጻሊ ረብሓ’ምበር ቀጻሊ ሕውነት የለን”T ብዝብል መርዚጭ ርሖ
ውልቃውነት እንተዘይኮይኑ ብዓላማ ትመተሉ ዝተሓዝ ሃገራዊ ፖለቲካዊ እምነት የብላን። ትብለና ንሳ ዓለም
ሓድሽ ፖለቲካ ከምዘ ድልያ። ትደሊ ንሳ ሃገርና ብግዜያውነት ጸኒሓ በቲ ትምነዮ ሓድሽ ፖለቲካዊ ቅርጺ
ክትምስራሓና። ነዚ ዘቃልዕ ፕሮፌሶር ኣብ ገጽ ÖÜTጽሑፉ ብግቡእ ኣነጺርዎ ኣሎ።
“ኤርትራ ብዘይመንግስቲ ብዘይተቓወምቲ”። እሞ ስለምንታይ ኢዩ መራሒ ህግደፍ ሃገራውያን ኣብሪሱ ንፖቲካዊ
ባዶነት መሪጽዋ?ፕረሲደንት ኢሳይያስ ሕቖኣ ዝጎዘዛ መንግስቲ ትውንን ኤርትራ ክመርሕ ዝተመነየሉ ምኽንያት ክልተ ዓላማታት
ኣለዎ። በቲ ሓደ እቶም መሳርሕቱ በቲ ኣቐዲሙ ክፍጽምዎ ዝቐሰቦም ኣጽናቲ ገበን ከምዝኣዘዞም ክሒዱ ንጹህ
ክመስል ኣብ ኣድላይ ግዜ ባዕሉ ከምዝኽምብሎ ም እናኣፈራርሀ ስረኦም ስለዘምለቖሎም ፈዚዞም ብሒም ዝብል
ከምዘየለ ስለዘረጋገጸ፡ ከምታ ዝተላእካ ነታ ሃገር ከምቲ ናይ ዘመነ-ኮም ቢሽታቶ ከምዝመችኦ ብምሕዛእ
መዳሚዱ ከረክቦም። በቲ ካልእ፡ ምናልባሽ ክሳብሽዑ ኣሸበሸብ ኣይሕሱብ ገለ ረጽሚ ንኸይርከብ ንር እሱ
ኣብትሕቲ ዓቃብ ሰላም ሰራዊት ክምዕቀብ ስለዘለዎ ኢዩ። ምእንቲ ርእሱ ናይዚ ዞባና ልእኽቲ ዓቃብ ሰላም ድማ
ኢቲዮጲያ ኢያ። ንሳ ሰራዊታ ሒዛ ኣብዝኾነ ዝተላእከቶ ደበኽ ትብል ‘ውፍይቲ’ ኢያ። ካብ ሙሉእ ኢቲዮጲያ
ከኣ እቶም ኣዝዮም ‘ፈጥኖ ደራሽ’ ዓቃብ ሰላም ሰራዊት፡ ‘ቶም ወየንቲ ተጋሩ ኢዮም ኢለሞም። ‘ወያነ ኮይንላ
ዘመና መጺእላ’ ካብ ብጋሕጋሑ ንኤርትራዊ እናኣከሻመሸት ንኤር ትራ ግን ‘ካብ መንጋጋ መግዛእቲ ኣናጊፋ
ኣገንጺላታ’ ይብሉና። ግዲ የለን ሎሚ ርእሰ-ምምሕዳር ኮይና እንተጸንሐት ጽባሕ ንርእሳ ክት ግንጸል እንታይ
የጸግማ? ተገንጺላ ድማ ሓድሽ ሃገረ-ትግራይ ትግርኝ ክትሰርሕ እንታይ የጸግማ? ንወዲ ኣፎም በራድ ብዓባያ’ኳ
እንተ ዘየትሓዘቶ ከምዚ ዝጽበይዎ ዘለዉ መንነት ኪኖ ኮንፈደረሽን ፕረሲደንት ትግራይ ትግርኝ ክትገብሮ እንታይ
የጸግማ? (ንኩሉ ክጥዕም ይኸውን መለስ ዝተወገነ) ክሳብ ሽዑድማ ንትረሲደንቶም “ደምህት” ብዝባሃሉ ዓቃብ
ሰላም ሰራዊት ይሕሎ ኣሎ። ኣብ ኣድላይ ግዜ ጉ ዳይ ኤርትራ ካብ ኢድ ሃገራውያን ከምዝወጸ ተመኽንዩ ክስዕብ
ዝምነይዎ መቸም ኣይትዝንግዕዎን እብል። ደምህት እምባአር ኣብ ሓደ እዋን ብድርብ መልክዑ ‘ዓቀብቲ ሰላምን’
ወረርትን ኮይኖሙልና ኣለዉ።
ፕሮፈሶር ነቲ ጠመተ ትግራይ ትግርኝ ክጠቅስ እንከሎ ብኣውራኡ ነዚ ዝብሎ ዘለኹ ዘነጸረ እመስለኒ። እቲ ሓደ፡
እታ ሓንቲ፡ ኩልና ኤ ርትራውያን ድማ ነቲ ኪኖ ደበንገረ ከተግብሩዎ ዝሕልኑ ሓድሽ ፖለቲካዊ ካርታ
ተዓዚብናዮ ኣለና። እንተ ከምርኢቶይ መራሒና ሕጂ ‘ውን ከምቲ ፕሮፌሶር ኣብ ገጽ 1·T ዝጠቐሶ ብሕሉፍ
መላኽነቱ ጥራይ ዝትመን ዘይኮነስ ባንዴራ ዝተዓደለ ኣገልጋሊ ገዛእቲ’ምበር ርእሱ ዝኸኣለ ገዛኢ ክኸውን’ውን
ኣይደረገን። ብከምኡ ትዕዝብቲ ይኸውን ጎደፋ’ውን ንፕረሲደንትና ብኣምሳል ኣምባሳዶር ገዛእቲ ዝመሰሎ።
“ኤርትራ ብዘይመንግስቲ ብዘይተቓወምቲ፡ እዚዶ ደይ’ዚ፡ ኤርትራ ሞይታ። ቃልሲ ንትንሳኤ ሃገር!!” ህጹጽ
ሃገራዊ ጻውዒት!!!!!!
እሞበሉ ትምቢት ወዲኣፎም በራድ ከይተሳኽዐ ንምቑጻዩ ንሕናኸ ምእንቲ ትንሳኤ ሃገርና ብመጠን ህጹጽነት
ኩነታትና ነዚ ዘለና ፖለቲ ካዊ ባዶነት ክንሽፍን እንታይ ክንግበር ይግባእ?
ነዚ ክምልሱ ዝቖረጹ ይመስሉ መድረኻውያን ንሽግር ሃገርና ይበቅዕ ዝበልዎ ሴፍ ጽገና ከምዝመዘዙ ዝስማዕ
ዘሎ። ብፍላይ ንሕና ህዝ ቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኣቐዲሞና ዓላማኦም ክነግሩ እንተዘይደሪኽናዮም፡ ምስ ውሽጢ ሃገር
ግሩም ርክብ ስለዘለዎም ብተወሳኺ ከኣ ሰልዲ ስለዘ ለዎም ክነስዑና ከምዝኽእሉን ስለዝውረ፡ ብሓቂ ንሃገርና
ካብ ሽግር ከምዘናግፉዋ ክንትስፎ ይንገረና ኣሎ። እንተኾነስ ከም ሓደ መስር ሕ ምርጫ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ
ብምብሃግ “ኣበደን ንጽገና”Tዝብሉ ድማ ኣለዉና።
ፕረሲደንት ኢሳይያስ ባዕሉ ከምዝዓረፈ ኣብ ዘውረየሉ እዋን ተመሳሳሊ ርኢቶታት ተራእዩ ከምዝነበረ እዝክር።
ሽዑ ኣቶ ጎደፋ’ውን “ን ዝተሸመ ተኸተሎ”Tብዝብል ኣርእስቲ ወተሃደራዊት ደርጊ ክትመጸና ኢያ’ሞ ዕድል ክንህባ
ምስተላወበ ናብ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ዘቛመተ ርኢቶ ከምዝሓየለ ይዝከር። ነዚ ተዓዚቡ ይነብር ቀለታ ኪዳነ ድማ
“ጽገና ኣይንደልን? ንሕናስባ ንደሊ፡ መንከ ሂብና” ክብል ዝጸሓፈ።ንነገሩ ኣብ ትርጉም ለውጥን ንተፈጻምነቱ ዝድለ ግዜን ዝህልወና ኣመለኻኽታ ሓደ ድዩ? ናጽነትን ተበግሶን
ናይዞም ናይዚ ቅንያት ናይ ዓዲ እንግሊዝ ተኻታዕቲ መንእሰያትና ከምዘለዎ እናነኣድኩ፡ ጽልዋኦም ክሰፍሕን
ክጥርነፉን ምእንቲ ክቕጽልዎን ክበዝሑን እላቦ። እን ተ’ዛ ሃገር ገና ትንግርቲ ስለዘለዋ ከምቲ ጥቕሲ ሓርበኛታትና
ግደፍ ዝፈከረስ ዝወርወረ’ውን ከሰንፋ ኣይከኣሎን ኢዩ።
ኣብ ዝቕጽል ጽሑፈይ ክንራኸብ ብደሓን ቀንዩ።

UK legislators call for an end to forced labour in Eritrea mines Cecilia Jamasmie | December 19, 2014

UK legislators call for an end to forced labour in Eritrea mines

Forty one members of the British Parliament have signed an early day motion that seeks to eliminate “slavery-like” working conditions in Eritrea’s mines, which they say it the main cause for over 5,000 people fleeing the country every month.

According to the legislators, international mining companies —mainly from Australia, Canada and the U.K— are using the forced labour of Eritreans for work in their operations under conditions best described as “abject slavery.”

According to the legislators, international mining companies —mainly from Australia, Canada and the U.K— are using the forced labour of Eritreans for work in their operations under conditions best described as “abject slavery.”

Last month Canadian miner Nevsun Resources (TSX:NSU) became the latest target of a human-rights violations lawsuit. This one that claims the Vancouver-based company’s Bisha copper and gold mine was built using “forced” labourers who faced the threat of torture by the Eritrean government. The company denied the allegations.

The MPs, reports The Guardian, have also asked Eritrean authorities to allow Sheila Keetharuth, the UN’s special rapporteur on human rights in the African nation to assess claims of widespread rights violations. She has not been allowed to enter Eritrea since her appointment in 2012.

Human rights conditions in Eritrea are “dismal” with indefinite military service, torture, arbitrary detention and restrictions on freedom of expression driving a refugee exodus, Human Rights Watch said in its World Report 2014.

Forced labour, slavery, torture, cruel or degrading treatment and crimes against humanity are prohibited under international law, and such provisions are also incorporated into Canadian law

Human Rights Day: The true cost of your electronic devices For International Human Rights Day

Bandi Mbubi, the founder of Congo Calling, explains why both the public and the companies that make electronics should pay attention to how the minerals used in consumer electronics are mined and traded.
303418_418990144778274_943028034_nEveryone reading this essay has a personal connection to the civil war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.That’s because four minerals essential to the production of our electronic devices are extracted there in large quantities. Tantalum, tin, tungsten, and gold have enabled some incredible technological advances in devices that most of us use every day, such as game consoles, laptop computers, and mobile phones.

Tantalum is a particularly rare and valuable mineral that engineers use to create small, lightweight capacitors for mobile devices. In addition to the making of tin cans, tin is essential to the production of solder on electronic circuit boards. Tungsten is a heavy, dense mineral with many uses, including drill bits, golf club heads, and the vibrating mechanisms in mobile phones. And gold is often used in electronic components because it conducts electricity well and does not corrode.

I was born in the Democratic Republic of Congo and lived there until I was 21. As a student activist, I suffered persecution and fled, seeking political asylum in the United Kingdom.

My commitment to social justice continues to inspire my work. The situation in Congo has worsened since I left two decades ago. The civil war started there in 1996 and has since killed more than five million of my country’s people.

The conflict is centered in the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu, which, not coincidentally, are also where the bulk of Congo’s extraordinarymineral wealth can be found.

In the Kivus, armed factions ravage towns and villages, killing innocent civilians. These armed groups include rebel militias along with Congolese National Army. All these factions raise money by trading in so-called conflict minerals.

Ironically, the digital technology for which so much Congolese blood has been spilled is the same technology that brought the awful situation in Congo to our attention in the first place. Thanks to our connected devices, we become global citizens and learn more about each other’s lives, political situations, and struggles, including those in Congo.

Yet the Congolese people pay a heavy price for our ever-increasing appetite for digital technology.

In eastern Congo right now, armed militias force people to work in the mines for little or no pay. Many miners are paid a dollar per day, half the typical earnings of a small-scale farmer.

Children as young as 10 are forced to work against their will. In the shafts, health and safety are nonexistent. Miners work underground without proper breathing equipment, and some die of respiratory problems.

phoneRape as a weapon of war has become entrenched in the psyche of some of the armed groups. They rape more than 400,000 women every year, according to a 2011 study published in the American Journal of Public Health.

It is no coincidence that sexual violence is prevalent in places like eastern Congo where high mineral concentrations exist. Armed groups use rape to ensure their access to the mines that finance their activities. The effects of rape are so devastating to the morale of local communities that they effectively suppress opposition.

Once extracted, the raw ore is transported by land and air through neighboring countries, mainly Rwanda and Uganda. It eventually reaches East Asia, where smelting companies refine the ore into tantalum, tin, tungsten, and gold.

At this point it becomes very difficult to trace the provenance of these metals. They are sold on the open market, where multinational electronics companies buy huge quantities for use in computers, game consoles, mobile phones, and a host of other devices that are sold all over the world.

In November 2011 there were elections in Congo. Most national and international observers, including the Catholic Church and the Carter Center, declared them undemocratic. The tainted elections convinced me that Congo would not see the return of political legitimacy and the rule of law for the foreseeable future.

I felt a personal sense of urgency to help find long-lasting solutions to the problems we face as a nation. This soul-searching exercise coincided with an invitation to speak at TEDxExeter in April 2012. It was a rare opportunity to raise awareness about the situation in Congo and to rally support for concrete actions to help end violent conflict there.

See a list of Electronics Companies ranked by their efforts to use conflict-free minerals

I talked about the fighting in Congo and noted the strange paradox that the phones in our pockets are instruments of both freedom and oppression. I received an outpouring of support after my talk, which encouraged me to found a pressure group called Congo Calling.

It has two main goals: to raise international awareness about the role of conflict minerals in fueling the war in Congo, and to establish mechanisms that will allow Congolese communities to benefit from their natural wealth.

Our campaign aims to prevent illegal armed groups from gaining access to the money that has allowed them to carry on and commit atrocities. Congo Calling works to promote more equitable resource distribution in Congo by convincing technology companies and policy makers to end the conflict-mineral trade.

To that end we are building a strong coalition of academics, artists, elected officials faith leaders, journalists, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), student groups, and technology executives.

Our initial aims include the following: we believe that sympathetic governments should vigorously regulate mineral-supply chains. Whether they are armed factions, corporations, or corrupt individuals, any group or person who exploits the natural wealth and the people of Congo for their own gain should face sanctions.

Electronics manufacturers should produce phones using Congolese minerals that have been certified as conflict free. Finally, consumers should be fully aware of the situation in Congo so that they can make informed decisions about the electronic devices that they buy.

At the moment there is no clear fair-trade solution to the conflict-mineral issue. However, some electronics companies have started using their market power to establish clean-mineral supply chains with the goal of reducing armed conflict in Congo.

For example, the Electronic Industry Citizenship Coalition is an alliance of leading manufacturers that have committed to responsible mineral-sourcing practices. Other leading stakeholders include governments and NGOs such as Global Witness and the Enough Project, which publishes a useful consumer guide to the struggle against conflict minerals.

In the United States, the Dodd–Frank Act of 2010 contains language that requires electronics companies to verify and disclose the sources of minerals used in their products. In particular, the law requires supply-chain traceability audits by independent third parties, and it requires companies to report the results of these audits to the public and to the Securities and Exchange Commission.

The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, the United Nations, and other international organizations have also published a great deal of useful research and guidance for companies and consumers seeking responsible supply chains for minerals from Congo and other conflict-affected regions.

The problems in the Congo are complex, and creating stronger and more accountable government institutions is absolutely critical. But taking steps to ensure that the Congo’s minerals don’t fuel corruption and abuses is also important, and can put pressure on the government to get its house in order. Congo Calling’s vision is for a peaceful and just Congo, where people can live in stable and prosperous communities, where children are not enlisted, where women are not raped as an instrument of war, and where miners work for fair wages in humane conditions. Mobile phones are currently part of the problem, but they are also part of the solution in that we can all use our mobile phones to spread news and spur action that will one day restore peace and justice to Congo.

As consumers, we need to ask questions about how our technologies are sourced. Just as we demand fair-trade food and clothes, we should demand fair-trade phones that will allow communities in Congo to start benefiting from their immense natural wealth.

We all have the ability to make change happen. We can use our mobile phones to tell someone, write to someone, sign a petition, and talk about the situation in Congo. I firmly believe that when awareness grows, action will follow.

Denmark: Eritrea Immigration Report Deeply Flawed European Governments Should Rely on UN Reports, Support UN Inquiry DECEMBER 17, 2014

The Danish report seems more like a political effort to stem migration than an honest assessment of Eritrea’s human rights situation. Instead of speculating on potential Eritrean government reforms, host governments should wait to see whether pledges actually translate into changes on the ground.
Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director

(Brussels, December 17, 2014) – A Danish immigration report on Eritrea that suggests changing refugee policy for Eritrean asylum seekers is deeply flawed. Denmark and other European governments should await the outcome of the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea, established in June 2014, before considering any major policy changes concerning Eritrea.

The Danish report suggests that the Eritrean government may be carrying out reforms that would allow Eritrean asylum seekers fleeing Eritrea’s abusive, indefinite national conscription program to be safely returned to the country. The number of Eritrean asylum seekers and migrants fleeing Eritrea and arriving in Europe has surged in recent years. A very high rate of Eritrean asylum seekers are granted refugee status or some other protected status in Europe, according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)’s statistics.

“The Danish report seems more like a political effort to stem migration than an honest assessment of Eritrea’s human rights situation,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director. “Instead of speculating on potential Eritrean government reforms, host governments should wait to see whether pledges actually translate into changes on the ground.”

According to UNHCR, the number of Eritreans arriving in Europe tripled in 2014 to nearly 37,000 in the first 10 months.

Eritrea is isolated politically, both regionally and internationally, and is under UN sanctions due to its alleged past support for the militant group Al-Shabaab in Somalia. Some observers suggest that interest by European governments in stemming migration from the Horn of Africa is the main impetus for a variety of changes in policy toward the country, including the assessment of refugee policy.

Eritrea was among the African governments that met with European Union member states in Rome onNovember 28 as part of the EU-Horn of Africa Migration Route Initiative (also known as the Khartoum Process). Its stated aim is to prevent human trafficking and smuggling of migrants from the Horn to Europe.

The November report from the Danish Immigration Service, largely based on interviews with anonymous diplomatic and other sources in Eritrea, contains contradictory and speculative statements about Eritrea’s human rights situation. The sources also often qualify their statements, noting that there is no independent access to detention centers, that the fate of people returned to Eritrea is unclear, and that government reforms of the national service conscription are rumored, but not confirmed. There is no indication that the authors of the report interviewed victims or witnesses of human rights violations in Eritrea, and a prominent Eritreanacademic consulted for the report has publicly criticized it.

Eritrea is one of the most closed countries in Africa, with no independent media, local nongovernmental organizations, or political opposition. The degree of government repression makes independent fact-finding in the country especially hard, including the difficulty of protecting interviewees from government reprisals. Eritrean refugee accounts are a primary source of information for international human rights investigators for this reason.

Eritrea’s dire human rights situation has been widely reported, including by a UN special rapporteur on Eritrea who has published several authoritative and damning reports on conditions. Human Rights Watch has not found any significant improvement in the human rights conditions in the past year.

The most common patterns of abuse in Eritrea include indefinite military conscription; forced labor during conscription; arbitrary arrests, detentions, and disappearances; torture and other degrading treatment in detention; restrictions on freedoms of expression, conscience, and movement; and repression of religious freedom. Eritrea’s policy of national service or military conscription is a significant reason for many young Eritreans to flee the country. By law each Eritrean is compelled to serve 18 months in national service starting at age 18, but in practice conscripts serve indefinitely; many for over a decade.

In June, the UN Human Rights Council condemned Eritrea’s “continued widespread and systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms,” and adopted a resolution establishing a commission of inquiry to investigate abuses in Eritrea.

European governments should not make major policy changes toward Eritrea until they see the commission of inquiry findings, Human Rights Watch said.

“If the Eritrean government is really ready to carry out human rights reforms, it needs to give the UN commission of inquiry access so that it can make an objective assessment of progress,” Lefkow said. “The Eritrean government’s willingness to cooperate with the commission of inquiry will be the first test of whether it is ready to change course.”

እስከ ንትዓዘብ ከባብና እዚ ሽፉን ዓለም ውሽጡ ዘይተፈልጠ …ብርሃነ ተስፋይ . ኢ ሃገር ጀርመን. 12/17/2014

እስከ ንትዓዘብ ከባብና
እዚ ሽፉን ዓለም ውሽጡ ዘይተፈልጠ
ከምዓባስ ትም ኢሉ ከይዛረብ ዘስቀጠ
ምስ“ዚ ኩሉ ጉደ ምስቲ ገዚፍ ዕላጁ
ምስ ኩሉ ገበኑ ምስቲ ሓንጀመንጁ
ጥዑምን ምቁርን መታለሊ አዋጁ
ብዯገ ዘብለጭልጭ ንውሽጡ ገዱፉ
ናይዛ ዓለም ፍርዱ ኾይኑዎ ድዩ ማሲኑ
ወይስ ጥርዓን ድቂ ሰባት“ዩ ሰማዒ ሲኢኑ
አለው ቡዙሓት ሕማቃት ኪኢላታት ዝመስሉ
ንቡዙሓት ጥዑያት ለኪሞም ዝዓንው
ውሽጥም ዘይተፈልጠ ናይ ተንኮል ገዋኑ
ንክፍአት ዯቂ ሰባት ወትሩ ዘጋንኑ
ጉዶም ዘይተፈልጠ ውሩቃት ብዯገ
በዛ ተቀያያሪት ዓለም ክንዯይ“ዩ ዘይጋገ
ምልኪ ሓይሊ ተቆጺሩ ክንዯይ ንብረት ዘይተገበተ
ስልጣን ንምብሓት ኣንታይ ዘይግበረ
ሬሳ ቀረንቀራ ናይ አስኬረን መቃብር
ክቡር መሰል ኮይኑ ንቡዙሓት ዝጥብር
ቡዙሓት ዘጥፈኤ ብብልሓት ብምስጢር
ንሓሳብ የታልል ንኣእሙሮ ዝቅይር
ብማዕዶ ክትርእዮ ከምኒ ማዕድነ ወርቂ
ኣብ ጌጋ የውድቅ ብናይ ትምኒት ቀብጢ
ብውሽጡ ባዶእኾ“ዩ ዘየብሉ ሓቂ
ክፈእ ዝዕጣቁ ነውርም መስተናዓቂ
ኣለው ወራዙ ናይ ማዕዶ ናይ ጊዜ ውሩያት
ብአፎም ጥቁዋት ብተግባር ግዕዙያት
በጀኻ ኣንነት ዘይብሎም ብልሐት
ወትሩ ኣንቀድዓውቲ ናይ ታሪኽ ጉሓፋት
ውዲሴ ንምድላይ ወርትሩ ዝብሉ ቁሊሕ-ምሊሕ
ክፍአቶም ግን ብዙሕ“ዩ ብሓቂ ዘስኻሕኽሕ
ከምኡ“ውን አለው በላሕቲ ንምምሳል ገጾም ዘጸልምው
መሰረቶም ሑጻ ቀልጢፎም ዝዓንው
ምምብሃቅ ዝአመሎም ኣብ ትምኒት ዝነብሩ
ኣብ እዋን ሰላም ቀባጻት ዝመስሉ
ኣብ እዋን ክተት ድኽመታት ዝቆጽሩ ተንኮል ንምእላም ከይዯቀሱ ዝሓድሩ
ረዘንቲ ይመስሉ ውሽጦም ይመርሙሩ
ድሓር ምስተፈልጡ አዚዮም ከይሓፍሩ
መድረኽ ከየርክቦም ጥርሖም ከይኾኑ
ክንዯይ`ውን ጠማማት ሃኻያት ኣለው
ብሙኡዝ ቃላቶም ልቢ ሰብ ዘቅልቡ
ከም ዓበይቲ ሰባት ጭሕሞም ዘጻዕድው
መኸርቲ ይመስሉ ከፍሩሱ ዝሓድሩ
ንወጽዓ ንቃለስ ካብ ናይ ሰብ ኢድ ጨካን
እቲ ክቡር ዕላማ ኣይትንከፍን“ዩ ድሓን
ነስተውዕል ንጠርነፍ ነጻሪ ገበና
ኤርትራ ነድሕና ምስሕሓብ ገድፍና
ሓበን ክስምዓ ክብርቲ ሃገርና
እንተኮነ ኣለው ጎየይቲ ናብቲ ሓድሽ ህንጻ ውሻጠ
ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ግን ነዚ ብፍጹም ነይህንጠ
ዕላሙኡን ተግባሩን ኩሉ ከየፍለጠ
ወርቂ ይኩን ኩሉ ዘብለጭልጭ ከቶ ይትረፈኒ
ቅሳነት ምስ ሓርነት እዩ ዘህርፈኒ
ሓድነት ጥርናፈ ምስ መሰል እዩ ዘብህገኒ
ድሞክራስያ ምስ ምዕባሌ እዩ ዘኩርዓኒ
ህዝቢ ካብ ወሰነ ናይ መጻኢ ሃሙ
ካብ ነዊሕ እንካብ መረጸ ኽዕዘብ ሳዕቤኑ
ስጋብ ፍጹም ዓወት ነይፍለ ካብ ጎድኑ
ዕጥቀይ ነይፈትሕ ብወይጦታት ጉሓላሉ
ታሪኽ ነባሪ“ዩ አይምሰልኩም ከምኡ
ታሪኽ ክብረት“ዩ ኣብ ኤእዋኑ
ኤርትራ ሃገርና ብተስፋ ዘይቆርጹ ዯቃ ክትድበስ እያ
ብርሃነ ተስፋይ . ኢ
ሃገር ጀርመን

ኣገዳሲ መጸዋዕታ፡ ርድኢትን ተራን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኣብ ኮሚሽን መርማሪት ኩነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት (UN Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea) 12/18/2014

መርበብ ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራት ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ኤውሮጳ
Network of Eritrean Civil Societies in Europe (NECSEurope)
1214 Vernier – Geneva – Switzerland –
ኣገዳሲ መጸዋዕታ፡
ርድኢትን ተራን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኣብ ኮሚሽን መርማሪት ኩነታት ሰብኣዊ
መሰላት (UN Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea)
ክቡራት ነበብቲ፡ መርበብ ኤርትራውያን ሲቪካዊያን ማሕበራት አብ ኤውሮጳ
(መ.ኤ.ሲ.ማ.- ኤውሮጳ)፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዲሞክራስን ፍትሕን ነጊሱ፡ ሰብኣዊ
መሰላት ዜጋታት ንክኽበር፡ እጃሙ ንምዉፋይ፡ ኣብ 2002 ዝቖመ፡ ምስ ኩለን
ፖለቲካዊ ዉድባት ማዕረ-ርሕቐት (equidistance) ሒዙ ንኽጓዕዝ ዝጽዕት፡
ናጻ ጽላል 8 በርጌሳዊ ማሕበራት ኢዩ። መርበብና፡ ነዚ ጽሑፍ’ዚ ንምቕራብ
ዝደረኾ ረቛሒታት፡ ውድብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት (ው/ሕ/ሃ/)፡ ንሕሰም ናይቲ ዓጋቲ
ዝሰኣነ፡ ማዕበላዊ ስደት ህዝብና፡ ሂብዎ ዘሎ ጠመተን፡ ኣቝምዎ ዘሎ ኮሚሽን
መርማሪት ኩነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን (UN Commission of Inquiry
on Eritrea) ብዘርኢ፡ ሓበሬታ ንምሃብ፡ ዕማም’ታ ኮሚሽን ንኽዕወት፡ ከም
ዜጋታት ብሓፈሻ፡ ከም ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ከኣ ብፍላይ፡ ክንደፍኣሉ ዘሎና
ነጥብታት ብምድማቕን፡ ክንዓሞ ዝግባእ ዕዮ ብምንጻርን፡ ዘየላቡ መጸዋዕታ
ንምምሕልላፍ ኢዩ።
እምበኣር፡ ኩላትና ከም እንፈልጦ፡ ሎሚ ሃገርና ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ዓለም መለለዪኣ ፡
ከም ምንጪ ሰደድ ብሉጽ ኣቑሑት ዘይኮነትሲ፡ ምንጪ ቐጻሊ ስደት ህዝባ፡
ብቐንዱ ከኣ ተረከብቲ ሃገር ዝኾኑ መንእሰያታ ብምዃና፡ ሓንቲ ካብተን ዝለዓለ
ብዝሒ ስደተይኛታት ዝልእካ ሃገራት (top exporters of refugees) ፡
ኣስሚይዋ ኣሎ። ጠንቒ ናይዚ ስደት፡ ኣብ 1991 ብመደያይቦ መሬታዊ
ሉኡላዊነት (Territorial Sovereignty) ፡ ኣብ ስልጣን ዝሓኾረ’ሞ፡
ክንዮ ምስ ህዝቡ ምብኣስ ፡ ሰላም ጎረባብቱ ዝዘርግ፡ ጠላም ስርዓት ህግደፍ’ዩ።
ብዓንተቦኡ፡ ብስርዓተ-ሕጊ ዘይምእዘዝ መንግስቲ፡ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ህዝቢ
ክሕሉ ምጽባይ፡ ግርህነት’ዩ። ኣብ ኤርትራ ተጋሂሱ ዘሎ ዓይነት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት
ካብ ምዝርዛር፡ ብግልባጡ ምናልባሽ ብወዝቢ ዝተኸብረ ሰብኣዊ መሰል
እንተልዩ ሃሰስ ምባል ክሓይሽ’ዩ። እሱ’ውን ኣብ ቕሚጦ ሓሰር፡ መርፍእ ከም
ምንዳይ እዩ ክኸውን። ክንዲ ዝኾነ፡ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ደይ መደይ ኢሉ ካብ
ዝፈጸሞ፡ ሰፊሕ ዝርጋሐ ዘለዎ (systematic and widespread) ፡
ምግሃስ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡ ነቶም ፍሩያት ጸኒሕና፡ ክንጠቕስ ኢና። ቐንዲ ጠንቂ ናይቲ ስደት፡ ምግሃስ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዜጋታት ኣብ ኤርትራ
ሙኻኑ፡ ንሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ንምግላጽ፡ ሳላ እቶም ብሃገሮም ዝስገጉ
ኤርትራውያን፡ ደለይቲ ሰናይ ኤርትራ ዝኾኑ ወጻእተኛታት፡ ትካላት ተጣበቕቲ
ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡ በርጌሳዊ ማሕበራት፡ ምሁራን፡ ኪኢላታት ሕጊ፡ ኣካየድቲ
መራኸቢ ብዙሃን፡ ምንቕስቓሳት መንእሰያት፡ ማሕበራት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ፡
ፖለቲካዊ ዉድባት፡ መራሕቲ ሃይማኖት፡ ዘይመንግስታዊያን ትካላትን ካልኦት
ኣብዚ ክጥቐሱ ዘይተኻእለ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ዘካየድዎ እኩብ ድምር ጻዕሪ፡ ቤት
ምኽሪ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዉድብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት (ዉ/ሕ/ሃ/) UN Human
Rights Council ኣቓልቦ ሂብዎ። ብመሰረት’ዚ፡ እቲ ቤት ምኽሪ ሰብኣዊ
መሰላት ዉ/ሕ/ሃ/ ኣብ ናይ ሓምለ 2012 ውሳኒኡ፡ ነቲ ብህሎ ኣብ ኤርትራ
ብደይ መደይ ዝፍጸም፡ ሰፊሕ ዝርጋሐ ዘለዎ ምግሃስ ሰብኣዊ
መሰላት፡(allegations of systematic and widespread
violations of human rights) ዝምርምርን ዘመጻርይን፡ መዝነት
(mandate) ፍሉይ ጸብጻቢ/ት መስሪቱ።
ምስ’ዚ ብዝሳነ፡ እቲ ቤት ምኽሪ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዉ/ሕ/ሃ/፡ ኣብ ጥቕምቲ
2012፡ ሓንቲ ሕጊ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዝድሕረ-ባይታኣ፡ Ms Sheila B.
Keetharuth ንዝተባህለት ምኵርቲ ኪኢላ ጓል ሞሪሸስ፡ ከም ፍልይቲ
ጸብጻቢት ዉ/ሕ/ ሃ/ ኩነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ (Special
Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in
Eritrea) መዚዙዋ። እታ ፍልይቲ ጸብጻቢት፡ ነቲ ኩነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት
ንምምርማር፡ ናብ ኤርትራ መእተዊ ፍቓድ፡ ብተደጋጋሚ ን’መንግስቲ’ ሓቲታ፡
ከም ልማዱ ኣጽቒጡ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ፡ ነቲ ምቛም መዝነታ፡ ‘ፖለቲካዊ ጸግዒ
ዘንቐሎ (politically-motivated) ዉሳነ’ዩ’ ኢሉ ነጺጉዎ።
እታ ፍልይቲ ጸብጻቢት፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ናይ ምእታው ኣኽእሎ’ኳ (access)
እንተዘይረኸበት፡ ምስ ኣብ ኤውሮጳ ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ
ብምርኻብን፡ ናብተን ምስ ኤርትራ ዝዳወባ፡ ሓደ ሓደ ሃገራት ከይዳ፡ ኣብኡ ምስ
ዘለዉ ኤርትራዉያን ስደተኛታት ቓለ-መሕትት ብምግባር፡ ሓበሬታ ክትእክብ
ጸኒሓ። ድሮ ናብ ጂቡቲን ኢትዮጵያን ከይዳ ንስደተኛታት ኣዘራሪባ ኣላ። ኣብ
ኤውሮጳ እውን ኣብ ስዊዝ፡ ጀርመን፡ ጣልያን፡ ማልታ፡ ንዝርከቡ ስደተኛታት
ተመሳሳሊ ርክባት ኣካይዳ። ክሳብ ቱኒዝያ ከይዳ’ውን፡ ነቲ ኩነታት ስደተኛታት
ተኸታቲላ። ንሳ፡ ኣብ 13 ግንቦት 2014፡ ኣብ ዘቕረበቶ 2ይ ክፋል ጸብጻባ፡
ብዘካየደቶ ምምጽራይ፡ ኩነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ ዛጊት ከም
ዘይተመሓየሸ፡ እኳ ደኣ በብእዋኑ እንዳበኣሰ ይኸይድ ምህላዉ፡ ፡ ንቤት ምኽሪሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዉ/ሕ/ ሃ/ ሓቢራ። (ነቲ 1ይ ጸብጻባ፡ ኣብ 28 ጉንበት 2013 እያ
እቲ ቤት ምኽሪ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡ ኣብ ናይ 27 ሰነ 2014 ኣኼባኡ፡ ኣብቲ
ዝቐረበሉ ጸብጻብ ተሞርኵሱ፡ ነቲ ብመሪሕነት ሶማሊያ ተሰናዲዩ፡ ብፈረንሳ
ዝተደገፈ (co-sponsored)፡ መርማሪት ኮሚሽን ንኽትቐውም ዝቐረበ
ንድፊ ኣጽዲቑ። ነቲ ብሰብ-መዚ ኤርትራ ብቐጻሊ፡ ኮነ ኢልካ ዝፍጸምን፡ ሰፊሕ
ዝርጋሐ ዘለዎ ምግሃስ ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን መሰረታዊ ናጽነትን ኣትሪሩ ኮኒኑ።1
ብህሎ (allegation) ምግሃስ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ ንምምጽራይ፡
ንሓደ ዓመት እተገልግል፡ እታ ፍልይቲ ጸብጻቢት እትርከባ፡ ሰለስተ ዝኣባላታ
መርማሪት ኮሚሽን UN Commission of Inquiry (COI) on
Human Rights in Eritrea ኣቝሙ። እቲ ቤት ምኽሪ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡
ካብቲ ዝጸንሐ ጽፍሒ ፍልይቲ ጸሓፊት፡ ናብዚ ሓድሽ ኣቓዉማ ኮሚሽን
ንኽብርኽ ምውሳኑ፡ ነቲ ኣተሓሳሳቢ ጉዳይ፡ ዝሃቦ ግቡእ ኣድህቦ ዘንጸባረቐ፡ ሓደ
ዓቢ ስጉምቲ ንቕድሚት ኢዩ፡ ክበሃል ይከኣል።
እታ ኮሚሽን፡ ንምግሃስ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ብዘርኢ፡ ዘይተነጸሩ ነጥብታት
እንተልዮም፡ ከምዝንጸሩ ብምግባር፡ ዉድዓዊ ሓቕታት ከተቕምጥ ትጽቢት
ይግበረላ። እታ ኮሚሽን፡ ምርመራታት እተካይደሎም ቐንዲ ስርርዓት፡ ንሰባት
ብሃውሪ ኣብ ትሕቲ ቐይዲ ምእታውን ካብ ሕጋዊ መስርሕ ወጻኢ ዝግበር
ምርሻንን (arbitrary detention and extrajudicial executions)፡
ስቕያት ደቒ-ሰባትን ኢ-ሰብኣዊ ኣተሓሕዝኦምን (torture and
inhumane treatment)፡ ምግሃስ መሰላት ናጽነት ሃይማኖት፡ ሓሳብካ
ምግላጽን ካብን ናብን ምንቕስቓስን (violations of freedoms of
religion, expression, movement)፡ ግዱድ ዕዮ(forced
labour)፡ ምዉፋር ቖልዑ ኣብ ዕዮ (child labour) ፡ ግዱድ ወተሃደራዊ
ዕስክርናን (forced military conscription)፡ ምስ መወዳእታ ዘይብሉ
ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ዝተኣሳሰር፡ ግዱድ ወተሃደራዊ ዕስክርና ቖልዑትን
‘መንግስቲ’ ኤርትራ ብመገዲ ኣምባሳደሩ ኣብ ዓባይ ብሪጣንያን ኣየርላንድን፡
ኣቶ ተስፋሚካኤል ገራህቱ (ወዲ-ገራህቱ) ኣቢሉ፡ ነቲ ምምስራት ናይታ
ኮሚሽን፡ ‘ብጉዳያት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዝተጐልበበ፡ ፖለቲካዊ ጸግዒ ዝደፋፈኦ
ብህሎ ኢዩ’ ክብል ነጺግዎ። እቲ ኣምባሳደር፡ ኤርትራ ብድሆታት ሰብኣዊ
መሰላት ከም ዘጋጥማን፡ መንግስቲ ነዚ ኣለሊዩ፡ ብቐጻሊ ዝቓለሰሉን እዩ ክብል
ከኣ ተመጻዲቑ። ክንዲ ዝኾነ፡ እታ ኮሚሽን፡ ናብ ኤርትራ ከይዳ፡ ነቲ ከተካይዶእትደሊ ዘላ ምጽራይ፡ ንከተሰላስል ዘይፍቐደላ ሙኻኑ፡ ብኣግኡ በሪሁ’ሎ
ማለት እዩ።
እዛ ኮሚሽን ምስ ቖመት፡ ዑደታ ብስዊዝ ብምፍላም፡ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ሕዳር ኣብ
ከተማታት ጀነቭ፡ በርንን ዙሪክን ዝርከቡ ስደተኛታት፡ በጺሑና ዝብልዎ
በደላትን፡ ኣብ ካልኦት ተፈጺሙ ዝብልዎን ግፍዕታትን፡ ከም መሰኻኽር ዓይኒ፡
ሓበሬታ ትሰንቐሉ ቓለ-መሕትት ኣካይዳ። ብድሕር’ዚ፡ ኣብ ዓዲ ጣልያን፡
ምስቶም ኣብ ሮማ፡ ቦሎኛን ሚላኖን ዝርከቡ ስደተኛታት ብተመሳሳሊ
ተራኺባ። ኣብ ዝመጽእ እዋን፡ ናብ ካልኦት ሃገራት ኤውሮጳን፡ ገለ ካብተን
ጎረባብቲ ኤርትራ ዝኾና ሃገራትን እውን ከም ትበጽሕ ተፈሊጡ ኣሎ። እዛ
ኮሚሽን፡ ኣብዘን ተሪፈናኣ ዘለዋ ኣዋርሕ፡ ምስ ዲፕሎማሰኛታት፡ እንተላይ ምስ
ናይ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብያተ ጽ/ ዉ/ሕ/ ሃ/፡ ምሁራንን በርገሳዊ ማሕበራትን
ድሕሪ ምክያድ፡ ጸብጻባ ንቤት ምኽሪ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዉ/ሕ/ ሃ/፡ ከተቕርብ
ርግጽ’ዩ፡ እዛ መርማሪት ኮሚሽን ፍርዳዊ ትካል ኣይኮነትን። ቐንዲ ዕማማ፡
ብዝምልከቶ ኣህጉራዊ ወይ ሃገራዊ ፍርዳዊ ኣካል ምርመራ ገበን ንኽካየድ
ዘኽእሎ፡ ገበናት ኣንጻር ሰብኣዊነት (crimes against humanity)
ምፍጻሙ ፡ ዘእምን መርትዖ ምቕራብ እዩ። ምቛም መርማሪት ኮሚሽን፡ እቲ
ኣህጉራዊ ሕጊ ገበነኛታት ዝእዝዞ መቕጻዕቲ ዘንብረሉ፡ ንቡር መስርሕ እዩ።
ጸብጻብ እታ መርማሪ ኮሚሽን፡ ብኡ ንብኡ ኣብ ዝባን መንግስቲ ኤርትራ
መቕጻዕቲ ናብ ምሽናን ዘመርሕ’ኳ ተዘይኮነ፡ ናብ ቤት ምኽሪ ጸጥታ ዉ/ሕ/ ሃ/
ጸብጻባ ምቕራብ ፡ ናብኡ ገጹ ዘቕንዕ ኣድላዩ ስጉሚ እዩ። ንኣብነት፡ ኣቐዲሙ
ብኣህጉራዊ ቤት ፍርዲ ገበነኛታት፡ (International Criminal Court)
ኣብ ልዕሊ መራሕቲ ሱዳን፡ ሊብያን ኮት ዲ-ቩዋርን ዝቐንዐ መቐየዲ ትእዛዝ
ቤት ፍርዲ (arrest warrant)፡ ምስቲ ውጽኢት ጸብጻብ ናይተን
ዘዝምልከተን መርመርቲ ኮሚሽናት፡ ዝተሓሓዝ እዩ።2
ክቡራት ነበብቲ፡ እቲ ምዕባለታት ኣተሓሕዛ ጉዳያት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡ ብሕጽር
ዝበለ ከምቲ ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝተጠቕሰ ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ስዒቡ ዝመጽእ ዘየላቡ ሕቶ፡
‘ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም’ሲ፡ ብኸምኡ ይነጥፍ ኣሎ፡ ተራን ሓላፍነትን ኩላትና
ደለይቲ ፍትሒኸ፡ እንታይ እዩ?’ዝብል እዩ። እምበኣር፡ እቶም ኣብ ኤርትራ
እንከለና፡ ሰብኣዊ መሰልና ተጋሂሱ ዝተበደልና ሰባት፡ ነታ ሰክረታርያት
መርማሪት ኮሚሽን፡ እቲ ቕኑዕ ሓበሬታ ምምጋብ ከድልየና እዩ። ዝተበደሉ
ኣባላት ቤተሰብና፡ መቕርብና፡ ዓርኪ-መሓዛ ወይ ካልኦት እንፈልጦም ሰባት ምስ
ዝህልዉ’ውን፡ ከም መሰኻኽር ኰንና ክንቐርብ ይግባእ። እቶም ዝተረፍና
ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ድማ፡ ነቶም ኣብ ኤርትራ እንከለው ዝተገፍዑ፡ ግን ከኣ ነቲእከይ ተግባራት ናይቲ ስርዓት ንምቕላዕ፡ ዘይደፈሩ ግዳያት ምስ ዝርከቡ፡
ንዓዓቶም ምትብባዕ ኣገዳሲ እዩ።
ኣብዚ ምናልባሽ ሓደ ሓደ ሰባት፡ ብገርሆም ’መንግስቲ ከምዚ በዲሉኒ፡ ኣሲሩኒ፡
ቐጥቒጡኒ፡ ኢልካ ንሓይልታት ደገ ሓበሬታ ኣሕሊፍካ ምሃብሲ፡ ምስ ምድፋር
ልኡላዊነት ናይታ ሃገር ዝዳረግ ዶ ኣይከውንን? ብተወሳኺ፡ ‘እዝስ ነቲ ተኣፋፊ
ዝኾነ፡ ጸጥታዊ መዳይ ናይታ ሃገር ተንኪፉ፡ ንድሕነት ሃገር ኣብ ዋጋ ዕዳጋ
ምእታው ዶ ኣይኮነን?’ ዝብል ሕቶታት ከቕርቡ ይኽእሉ እዮም። ኣብዚ
ልኡኻት ፕሮፖጋንዳ ህግደፍ፡ ነቲ የዋህ ኣተሓሳስባ ዜጋታትና፡ ዓይኖም
ከይሓሰዩ ክምዝምዝዎ፡ ግድን’ዩ። እቲ ክዝንጋዕ ዘይብሉ ኣገዳሲ ነጥቢ ግን፡
እቲ ልኡላውነት ቕድም ቐዳድም ዝምልከቶ ነቲ ህዝቢ ኢዩ። እቲ ጎላጉል፡
እምባታት፡ ሽንጭሮታት፡ ሩባታት፡ ባሕሪ … ወዘተ ብድሕሪኡ ኢዩ ዝስዕብ።
እቲ ህዝቢ ኢዩ ነቲ መሬት ዝሕልዎን ዝከላኸለሉን እምበር፡ ብግልባጡ፡
ኣይኮነን፡። ንልኡላዊነት ህዝቡ ዘይኽበረ ዘይህዝባዊ ስርዓት፡ ‘ልኡላውነት’ ኢሉ
ብምጭርሑ፡ ተሓሊቑሉ ማለት ኣይኮነን። መሰላት ህዝቢ ዓፊኑ፡ ወትሩ ጸረ-
ህዝቢ ተግባራት ዝኣልም፡ ‘ቕድሚ ኹሉ ሃገር‘ ኢሉ ከጋውሕ፡ ምስሉይነት
(hypocracy) ኢዩ። እቲ መሬት ኤርትራ እንተኾነ፡ ኣብ ዝኸዶ የብሉን።
ዝደፍኦ ስለ ዘይብሉ ከኣ፡ ኣብኡ እዩ ክጸንሕ።
ምስ ህዝቡ፡ ብስኒት ዝነብርን፡ ኣብ ጉዳይ እንዳማቱ ከይኣተወ፡ ኣመት ቕሳነትን
ምምሕያሽ መነባብሮ ህዝቡን ዘቐድም መንግስቲ፡ ንሉኣላዊነት ናይታ ዝመርሓ
ሃገሩ ዝደፍሮ፡ ሓይሊ ወጻኢ ኣይህልዎን። ምናልባሽ ንኽደፍር ዝፍትን ደጋዊ
ሓይሊ ኸኣ፡ እቲ ህዝባዊ መንግስቲ ምስ ህዝቡ ሰሚሩ ብምምካት፡ ልኡላውነት
ሃገሩ ንኸዉሕስ ኣይእግሞን። እንተ’ቲ ፡ ነቲ ህዝቢ ኣብ ሃገሩ ዘለዎ ዘይጽንቐቕ
ፍቕሪ መዝሚዙ፡ ወግሐ-ጸብሐ ኣቓልቦ ህዝቢ ንኸዝብል፡ ምስ ጎረባብቲ
ሃገራት፡ ብኢደ-ወነኑ ኣብ ዘዝወልዖ መጋርያ ሓዊ፡ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምስ ጠበሰ፡
‘ተወረርና ፡ ኣብ ናይ ኣይ ሰላም፡ ኣይ ኵናት ኩነተ-ህላወ ስለ እንርከብ፡ ቕዋም
ክንትግብር ኣይንኽእልን‘ እንተበለ፡ ብሉይ ስልቲ ፡ ሜላ ገረብ ብሓኽላ፡ ካብ
ምዃን ኣይሓልፍን። ቕድሚ ዝኣገረ፡ ልኡላውነት ህዝቢ ዝደፈረ እንተልዩ፡
ባዕሉ እቲ ስርዓት እዩ። ንኤርትራ ናብ ሲኦላዊ ምድሪ ቐይሩ፡ ነቲ ህዝቢ ነውኒዉ
ነዋኒዉ፡ ሃጽ ኢሉ ከም ዝጠፍእ ዝገብር ዘሎ ክነሱ፡ ‘ሓይልታት ደገ ይጻብኡና
ኣለዉ’ ኢሉ እንተ ኣእወየ፡ ከም መራጐዲ’ቲ ዕባራ መኽኒቱ ተኾኖ ድማ፡
‘ብዉዲት ኣሜሪካ ተዘሪና’ ኢሉ ታሪኽ እንተ ኣኾምስዐ፡ ንብዓት ሓርገጽ
ምንብዑ እዩ።
ኣብዚ ኣስተብህሎ ዝጠልብ ጉዳይ እንተሊዩ፡ ህግደፍ፡ ምሕላው ፖለቲካዊ
ልኡላዊነት ህዝብስ ይትረፎ (ባዕሉ’ውን ይደፍሮ ስለ ዘሎ)፡ መሬታዊ ልኡላዊነትምናልባሽ ብሓይልታት ደገ ክጭርመም እንተተፈተነ እውን፡ እቲ ኩነተ-ህላወ
ንመንበረ-ስልጣኑ ክሳብ ዘየስግኦ፡ ንመመሻኸንን ንመሀመልን ህዝቢ
ኽምዝምዞ‘ምበር፡ ዝዓጅቦን ዝስቖሮን’ሲ ኣይኮነን። እሞ፡ እቶም ነቲ ርክብ
ምስታ ኮሚሽን፡ ከም ምድፋር ልኡላዊነትን ምስጢራውነትን ክንወስዶ
ዝጸናሕና ኣሕዋትን ኣሓትን፡ ነቲ ስርዓት፡ ‘ እቲ ጉዳይ ምኽባር ልኡላውነትን
ምዕቓብ ምስጢር ሃገርንሲ፡ ንዓና ነቶም ሰብ ዉራይ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ግደፈልና’
ክንዲ ዝኾነ፡ ግዳያት ወይ መሰኻኽር ምስ ምግሃስ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ብዝዛመድ፡
ሓበሬታትና ከነቕርብ ምስ እንደሊ፡ ነዚ ዕማም እዚ ንኸተሰላስል፡ ቖይማ ምስ
ዘላ ሰክረታርያት ናይታ ኮሚሽን፡ በዚ ዝስዕብ ኣገባብ ምርካብ ይከኣል።
By email to:
By post to:
Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea
8-14 Rue de la Paix
CH-1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland
ዳይረክተር ሓልዮት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኤርትራ፡ Human Rights
Concern – Eritrea (HRCE) ፡ ሓብትና ኤልሳ ጭሩም ፡ ምስ ተሓጋገዝቲ
ብጾት ኮይና ዘሰናዳኣቶ፡ ኣገዳሲ ወብሳይት እዉን እነሀልኩም።
ኣብኡ ብዛዕባ ኣገባብን ቕጥዕን ኣወሃህባ ሓበሬታ ግዳያትን
መሰኻኽርን፡ ብንጹር ዝቐረበ መብርሂ ስለ ዘሎ፡ ንዕኡ ብደቒቕ ምንባቡን፡ ኣብ
ግብሪ ምውዓሉን ሰናይ እዩ።
ኣብ መደምደምታ፡ ምንጪ ስደት ንምድራቕ፡ ረጋጺ መሰላት ህዝቢ ንዝኾነ
ስርዓት ኣሊኻ፡ ብስርዓተ-ሕጊ ብዝምእዘዝ መንግስቲ ናይ ምትካእ ሓላፍነት፡
ከም ዜጋታት ኣብ እንግደዓና ዘሎ ኮይኑ፡ ሓይልታት ደገ ለዉጢ ከምጽኡልና
ኣይንጽበን። ኤርትራውያን ብዘየማትእ ኣካል ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ምዃንና
ክዝንጋዕ ግን የብሉን። ዋሕዚ ስደትና፡ ንኤርትራ ባሕጕጉ፡ ንጎረባብቲ
ኣዕለቕሊቑ፡ ናብ ሰሜን ኣፍሪቓ ፊሲሱስ፡ ክሳብ ሃገራት ኤውሮጳ፡ ሰሜንን
ላቲንን ኣሜሪካን ኤስያ-ፓሲፊክን ዞሪቝ፡ ነቲ ሽግርና ዓለም-ለኻዊ ቕርጺ ካብ
ኣትሓዞ፡ ኣብ ዓለምና ዝኸይድ ምዕባለታት ክጸልወና ባህርያዊ ኢዩ። ንሕና’ውን
ይዕበ ይንኣስ፡ ወዮ ደኣ ሕጂ ሕማቕ ጽሕፍቶና ኮይኑ፡ ጽልዋና ብኣሉታ ዝርአ
ጉዳይ ስደት ኮይኑ’ምበር፡ ነቓልቦ ማሕበረ-ሰብ ዓለም ዝስሕብ ዛዕባ ምምጻእናስ
ኣይተረፈናን። ማሕበረ-ሰብ ዓለም ፡ እጃሙ ንኸልዕል ዝተበገሰ ይመስል።
እምበኣር፡ ‘ነታ ሓጺን ብርስንታ’ ኢዩ’ሞ፡ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ፡ ነዚ 2ይ ግዜ ክርከብዘጸግም ዕድል፡ ብኣገባብ ተጠቒምና፡ ከም ኣባል ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም፡ ብጽሒትና
ከነወፊ መሰልና ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ፡ ግዴታና ኢዩ ዝብል ርድኢት ኣሎና። ስለዚ፡ ነዛ
መርማሪት ኮሚሽን፡ ቕኑዕ ሓበሬታን ሰነዳትን ክንህብ፡ ግዳያት እህህትኦም
ንኸተንፍሱ ከነተባብዕን ኣቀላጣፊ (facilitating) ተራ ክንጻወትን፡ ለበዋናን
መጸዋዕታናን እንዳመሓላለፍና፡ እዛ ዝሓለፈት ሮቡዕ 10 ታሕሳስ 2014፡ ዓመት-
ዓመት እትኽበር፡ ዓለም-ለኸ መዓልቲ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ምንባራ ብምዝኽኻር፡
ብርዕና ነልዕል።
መርበብ ኤርትራውያን ሲቪካዊያን ማሕበራት አብ ኤውሮጳ (መ.ኤ.ሲ.ማ.-
Network of Eritrean Civic Societies – Europe (NECS –
መወከሲ ጽሑፍ (Reference):
k5.dpuf – [Accessed 9 December 2014]
– [Accessed 9 December 2014]