People are drowning on our doorstep – former PM Lawrence Gonzi calls for fair solution to migration -by Asena news

 

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Former Prime Minister Lawrence Gonzi this morning urged all EU member states to show real solidarity on the issue of migration, helping countries like Malta and Italy, which are facing the brunt of this phenomenon.

Speaking at a meeting of the European Parliament’s Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs Committee, Dr Gonzi said Malta has constantly argued that this issue challenges the very core of our values both as Europeans and more importantly as a community that respects the dignity and the value of every single human being.

“It is for this very reason that Malta continues to insist that the challenges posed by irregular migration are not challenges that pertain exclusively to those countries that find themselves on the frontline of this humanitarian crisis.

“Malta, Italy and some other Mediterranean Member States share between them the harsh and terrible reality of having to provide the first support for thousands of human beings who land on our shores. But this inevitability – derived from the fact that our countries are strategically located in the middle of the major human trafficking routes – does not and should not exonerate those other member states who are physically distant from the human tragedies that we have to witness practically every day of the week.

“My first point to you, therefore, is intended to emphasise the fact that the irregular migration challenge must be owned by all member states without any exception – which means that everyone must shoulder and share the responsibility to provide adequate and fair solutions. This is a position that I know has been shared by the European Parliament and to a certain extent the European Commission. Unfortunately, however, this position has not been shared by all Member States, some of whom continue to retain a very rigid negative position. Designing a coherent, effective and holistic EU approach on migration will only be possible if this first hurdle is overcome.”

The former Prime Minister said Malta, like most of its Mediterranean neighbours, has faced and continues to face a predominantly humanitarian migration challenge. “I emphasise the word “humanitarian” because I have always felt very strongly that any national or EU policy dealing with migration should differentiate between irregular migrants fleeing from torture as against irregular migrants who are seeking a better economic future for themselves and their families. Of course, both are “irregular migrants” but both present us with very different challenges and therefore require different solutions. I raise this point because I have consistently faced this convenient political response to our pleas for burden sharing. For those who want to argue that burden sharing is politically unacceptable, it is so convenient to quote statistics which do not distinguish between the genuine humanitarian “refugee” on the one hand and the economic migrant (also genuine) who enters into a country illegally to seek work and send money to his family back home.

“I emphasise that both categories require adequate policy solutions. But from my perspective the impact of irregular migration within a strictly humanitarian context is much more demanding and a lot more urgent.

“Malta is one of the Member States with the highest rate of asylum applicants per inhabitant and also with one of the highest rates of approved applications for full refugee status. The reason is simple : the vast majority of those landing on our shores (nearly 90%) come from Eritrea and Somalia.

“In this past decade we have received 18,000 irregular migrants.  Considering the fact that our island’s population is 400,000 this would mean the equivalent of 2.5 million people arriving in Britain.”

Dr Gonzi said all of the migrants were victims of horrific events taking place in their own countries, some were victims of war, others were victims of extreme poverty, – in all cases it was a humanitarian crisis which demanded a European and not just a Maltese response. “This is why throughout my tenure as Prime Minister I have argued and I continue to argue that a fair sharing of responsibility and solidarity with Member States like Malta must be a central pillar of an effective, humane and realistic migration policy. Without this aspect any new migration policy will not work.

Having a holistic approach to migration necessarily includes tackling a number of specific issues including the root causes and the situation in crisis areas, the fight against human trafficking, the development and implementation of effective integration policies, the availability of legal migration options, the EU return policies, the availability of adequate resources for the EU Agencies such as EASO, EUROPOL and FRONTEX.”

The former PM said he personally placed a lot of importance on two specific aspects.

“The first deals with how best to save lives in the Mediterranean. Saving lives at sea is something that Malta has become somewhat of an expert on. But it is never enough. People are still drowning on our doorstep notwithstanding all the efforts that we have put into this humanitarian task. Allow me therefore to reaffirm the importance of FRONTEX as the life-saving arm of the European Union within the Mediterranean Sea. As such this agency should be able to receive all the necessary financial and logistical support for it to carry out its mission.

“Additionally further options need to be considered in order to boost the Search and Rescue operations capacity especially in those areas of the Mediterranean Sea which cover the main routes used by transnational organised criminal networks involved in human trafficking. I would personally suggest the possibility of redeploying EU funded military operations such as EUNAVFOR to the Mediterranean as well as looking into the possibility of having a CSDP mission to the Mediterranean.

“Of course, clear rules of engagement and operational guidelines are an absolute necessity. I hope I will never again have to witness bickering about operational rules that make life more difficult for those saved at sea because the Master of the vessel that saved them is forced to go to a port of call which is hundreds of nautical miles away, instead of going to the closest safe port of call as common sense dictates.

“The second and final aspect which I would like to share with you deals with the mechanisms for repatriation of failed asylum seekers – in other words those who have no claim to remain in the EU. In these cases it is necessary to quickly process and return irregular migrants claiming from safe third countries, while always ensuring full respect for the principle of non-refoulement.

“For most of you, this might sound obvious and possibly uncontentious. You will surely be surprised to know that this has also been a challenge throughout my tenure as Prime Minister. For some strange and unfathomable reason even this simple solution has been difficult to implement. Returning individuals to a safe third country requires valid travel documents especially when having to travel via an international airport. I assure you that this is not as easy as one is led to believe.

“I have always believed that a coordinated effort at EU level could allow for the sharing of resources such as the use of military planes to repatriate individuals to safe third countries when a country such as Malta lacks the resources to do so itself.

“Of course, some of these efforts hit a brick wall when such safe third countries refuse to cooperate.

“In this regard Malta has often drawn the attention of its EU partners to what is known as the Cotonou Agreement which offers a certain level of leverage that can be used in order to persuade countries to cooperate. It seems, however, that there is some reluctance at EU levels to resort to this measure which could address one aspect of this challenge and that might persuade our citizens that those who are not entitled to protection and who are not in danger, are in fact returned to their country of origin.”

Dr Gonzi urged the committee to proceed with a sense of urgency. “The situation in the Mediterranean is becoming worse by the hour. The crisis in Lybia and the political instability in that country is proving to be a source of major concern for all of the southern European Member States. This is compounded by the horrific news we receive every day about what is happening in Syria, in Southern Iraq, in Yemen.

“The writing is on the wall. Already we are having to cope with an unprecedented increase in the number of refugees landing on our shores. Clearly, unless a coordinated approach is available placing this issue at the highest point of our political agenda, we face the danger of increased social unrest compounded by a disillusionment in what the Union is supposed to represent. “

Source:Malta Independent

 

400 ሰባት ኣብ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ጥሒሎም By assenna

Rescue_mig
 ካብ ሊብያ ብጀላቡ  ናብ ኢጣልያ ክሰግሩ ዝፈተኑ 400 ሰባት ኣብ ማኣከላይ ባሕሪ ከምዝጠሓሉ ካብቲ ሓደጋ ብሂወት ዝደሓኑ ንማሕበር ዘይመንግስታዊ ማሕበር ህጻናት ኣድሕን ሓቢሮም::ኣብዞም ሂወቶም ስኢኖም ዘለው ቆልዓ ሰበይቲ ዝርከብዎም ቁጽሮም ዘይተፈልጠ ኤርትራውያን ክህልው ከምዝኽእሉ ይግመት::ኣብዚ ሳልስቲ ካብ ሊብያ ናብ ኢጣልያ ክሰግሩ ካብ ዝፈተኑ ሰባት እቶም ልዕሊ 5ሽሕ ሰባት ኣብ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ብዝበጽሑ ብናይ ሂወት  ስርሒት ሓይሊ ባሕሪ ካብ ናይ ምጥሓል ሓደጋ ከም ዝተረፉ ቢቢሲ ሓቢሩ::

ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመታት ብዘይካ እቲ በብእዋኑ ሂወት ኤርትራውያን ዝበልዐ  ሓደጋታት ባሕሪ :ኣብ ከባቢ ላምፐስዱሳ ወደብ ኢጣልያ 367 ቆልዓ ሰበይቲ ዝርከብዎም መንእሰያት ኣብ ሓደ እዋን ከም ዝጠሓሉን ሬሳታቶም ንቡር ስነስርዓት ቀብሪ ከይረከበ ስድራቤቶም ኣብ ሰንፈላል ከምዘለውን ይፍለጥ::

ኣብ ሰንዓ ተዓጊቶም ዘለዉ ኤርትራውያን ዝርከብዎም ስደተኛታት ሓገዝ ይሓቱ – by Radio Erena

eriyem

 

ኣብ የመን ከተማ ሰንዓ ኣብ ሓደ ቦታ ዝርከቡ ኣስታት ሓሙሽተ ሽሕ ስደተኛታት ኤርትራ፣ ኢትዮጵያን ሶማልን ሓገዝ ይሓቱ ኣለዉ።

እቶም ስደተኛታት ኣብ ትሕትቲ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ስደተኛታት ሕቡራት ሃገራት UNHCR ዝተምዝገቡ እኳ እንተኾኑ፣ እቲ ትካል ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ሰሙን ካብቲ ብግዝያውነት ኣዕቑብዎም ዝነበረ ቦታ ብምግዓዙ ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ ብዘይዝኾነ ረዳኢ ከምለዉ’ዮም ዝሕብሩ።

ኣብ ሰንዓ ብዝቕጽል ዘሎ ደብዳብን ግጭት ዝተፈላለዩ ዕጡቓትን ግዳያት ከይኮኑ’ውን ብህጹጽ ናብ ውሑስ ቦታ ዝግዕዝሉ መንገዲ ክናደየሎም ህጹጽ ሓገዝ ይሓቱ ኣለዉ።

UNHCR ኣማኢት ስደተኛታት ሶማል ካብ የመን ድሕሪ ምውጻእ ብመንገዲ ጀላቡ ናብ ሶማል ምምላሶም ጀሚሩ እኳ እንተሎ፣ ኣብ ሰንዓን ካልኦትን ዝርከቡ 10ታት ኣሽሓት ግና ናብ ዝኸድዎ ኣንፈት’ውን ጠፊእዎም ምህላዉ’ዩ ዝሕበር።

ኢትዮጵያ፣ ናብ ዓዱ ክምለስ ንዝደሊ ስደተኛታት ኣብ ምምዝጋብ ክትነጥፍ እንከላ፣ ኣብታ ሃገር ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ግና ናብ ዝምለስሉ’ውን ስለዘይብሎም ፍሉይ ቆላሕታ ክግበረሎም’ዮም ዝሓቱ።

ኣብ የመን መብዛሕቶም ዜጋታት ሶማልን ኢትዮጵያን ዝኾኑ ልዕሊ 100 ሽሕ ስደተኛታት ክህልዉ እንከለዉ፣ ኣምኢት ኤርትራውያን’ውን ኣብ ሖዴይዳ፣ ሰንዓን ጣይዝን ከምዝርከቡ በብእዋኑ ክግለጽ ጸኒሑ’ዩ።

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Nigeria abductions: Chibok girls remembered one year on

  • Ceremonies are being staged around the world to mark one year since more than 200 girls were abducted by Nigerian militant Islamist group Boko Haram.

A procession is being held in Nigeria’s capital, Abuja, with 219 girls taking part to represent each missing girl.

The abduction of the girls in Chibok in north-eastern Nigeria sparked global outrage, with nations such as the US and China promising to help find them.

There have been sightings of the girls reported, but none have been found.

The girls at the Abuja demonstration sang and waved placards as they marched. They wore red T-shirts with the words “#365DaysOn” and “#NeverToBeForgotten”.

Events marking the anniversary are also expected in Lagos, as well as France, the UK and US.

Boko Haram say the girls have converted to Islam and been married off. One witness told the BBC that she saw more than 50 of them alive three weeks ago in the north-eastern town of Gwoza.

Latest updates: Africa Live

Young girls known as Chibok Ambassadors carry placards bearing the names of the girls kidnapped from the government secondary school in Chibok a year ago, during a demonstration in Abuja, Nigeria, 14 April 2015
Young girls took part in the Abuja protest, carrying placards with the names of the missing girls
Former French first lady Valerie Trierweiler (L) attends a "Bring Back Our Girls" gathering near the Eiffel Tower in Paris, 14 April 2015
A solidarity protest was held in France

Ahmed Salkida, a journalist with close links to Boko Haram, told the BBC he believed the girls were “well and healthy”.

“According to [the jihadists] the girls have converted to Islam, so they regard them as very important,” he said.

Will Ross, BBC Nigeria correspondent

It has been a whole year of agony for the relatives of the missing 219 Chibok girls. There have been a few sightings of some of the abducted students but very little official information from a government that has long promised to rescue them from the clutches of Boko Haram.

One mother told the BBC she sometimes arranges her 19-year-old daughter’s clothes in the hope that she is about to return home.

The scale of this conflict is so grim that the Chibok girls represent just a fraction of those seized by the jihadists. Many have escaped partly thanks to a recent military offensive – but not the Chibok girls.

Turning the tide against Boko Haram?

Who are the militants?

High-profile figures such as Nobel Peace Prize winner Malala Yousafzai and US First Lady Michelle Obama were among those who drew attention to their plight on Twitter last year under the #BringBackOurGirls hashtag.

Since then, the activists who began that campaign have spoken of relatives’ anguish at still not knowing what happened to the girls, and have criticised the Nigerian government of outgoing President Goodluck Jonathan for not doing enough to find them.

“Our president has said the girls are alive. Our question is: ‘Where are our girls?'” Aisha Yesufu, a spokeswoman for the group, told the BBC.

Media captionOutgoing President Goodluck Jonathan says he believe the girls are being held “in a distant forest”

Mr Jonathan told the BBC’s Newsday that political rivalries had hampered the federal government’s ability to grasp the scale of the Chibok attack and respond to it, as the government of Borno state, a Boko Haram stronghold, was run by an opposition party.

Still from video
A video released by Boko Haram last year showed 136 girls, three of whom spoke to the camera

Nigeria’s incoming president, Muhammadu Buhari, said his government would “do everything in its power to bring them home” but said he “cannot promise that we can find them”.

The six-year Boko Haram insurgency in the north has left thousands dead.

Amnesty International say the militants have abducted 2,000 girls and women since the start of last year, using them as cooks, sex slaves and fighters.

How the Ottomans Ruined the 20th Century – by James A Warrner

First World War 1914 1918. Gallipoli. Australian Artillery in action against the defenses turkish army during the campaign in the Dardanelles. The Gallipoli Campaign, Also known as the Dardanelles Campaign or the Battle of Gallipoli Battle of Canakkale was a World War I campaign That Took place on the Gallipoli peninsula in the Ottoman Empire between 25 April 1915 and 9 January 1916. (Photo by: SeM/UIG via Getty Images)

 World War I was only a global conflict when the Ottoman Empire joined the fray. Those consequences—from genocide to new borders—are still felt today.

After reading the fascinating initial chapter of Eugene Rogan’s new history of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War, The Fall of the Ottomans: The Great War in the Middle East, I was struck with a recurring thought: The wonder is not so much that this sprawling 600-year-old Muslim empire fell victim to the convulsions of world conflict in 1918, but that it somehow managed to survive at all as a world power up to the war’s opening salvos. Founded by Central Asian Muslim tribes in 1299, at its height in the late 17th century the empire spanned three continents, taking in the Balkans in southern Europe, Arab lands from Mesopotamia to Morocco, and much of Asia Minor. Since the beginning of the 18th century Istanbul found itself almost continually at war with Europe’s imperial powers. Invariably, it came out on the losing end. Egypt and most of North Africa were lost to Britain and France by 1882, while Russia gobbled up one province of eastern Anatolia after another.Nor were the predations of the Great Powers the only serious problem. The Ottomans were mired in internal conflicts between the dominant Turks and the many other peoples who paid allegiance to the Sultan in Istanbul, including Serbs, Kurds, Armenians, Assyrians, and Arabs. These groups had begun to absorb Western ideas of nationalism and self-determination—ideas that sparked numerous rebellions and crackdowns on suspected subversives within the Empire. The most notorious of the latter would ultimately fester into the 1915-1916 deportation-mass murder campaign against the Christian Armenians from their Anatolian homelands. As many as a million defenseless Armenians lost their lives.

It was not a foregone conclusion that the Turks would fight in World War I at all. Many leading political figures in Istanbul favored neutrality as the surest road to bringing about long-overdue administrative and economic modernization with the aid of investments from all the European powers. In the end, however, the triumvirate of pashas who ruled the Empire came to believe an alliance with an ascendant Germany, in which Berlin would pay for much of the war effort and military training, would be the surest path to re-conquest of lost provinces, the shoring up its faltering influence in the Middle East, and internal modernization. It was the Ottoman entrance into the war on the side of the Central Powers that transformed a European war into a truly global conflict.

For their part, the Germans gained the use of a large Ottoman army that could take the pressure off their inevitable battle against Russia in the East by launching a campaign in the Caucasus. More important, Germany hoped to exploit the Ottoman sultan’s role as caliph over the entire world community of Muslims. Of course, the British, Russian, and French empires contained millions of Muslims. The Germans wanted the Caliph to declare a jihad against their adversaries, hoping to bring about mass uprisings that would cripple the war efforts of the Triple Entente, and the Caliph was happy to oblige.

The initial Ottoman campaigns did not go well. Enver Pasha, the Ottoman minister of war, hoped to duplicate the Germans’ masterful envelopment at Tannenberg against the Russians, prompting the destruction of an entire Russian army. Geography, poor weather, and inadequate logistics, however, led to a crushing Ottoman defeat and the loss of 80,000 troops. Several divisions of Armenian Christians fought on the Russian side in the campaign, and in the wake of the loss, the large Armenian population within the Ottoman Empire found themselves victims of the 20th century’s first genocide. Rogan unpacks the complicated tragedy of the Armenian persecution deftly and sensitively, concluding that “the bitter irony is that the annihilation of the Armenians and other Christian communities in no way improved the security of the Ottoman Empire,” though that was its primary object.

Rogan unpacks the complicated tragedy of the Armenian persecution deftly and sensitively, concluding that “the bitter irony is that the annihilation of the Armenians and other Christian communities in no way improved the security of the Ottoman Empire,” though that was its primary object.

Next, the Ottoman 4th Army attacked the British defending the Suez Canal across the Sinai Desert, but the thrust was detected by aerial scouts and repulsed handily. The first two Ottoman campaigns, observes Rogan, “revealed Ottoman commanders to be unrealistic in their expectations and the average Ottoman soldier to be incredibly tenacious and disciplined even under the most extreme conditions.”

These early Allied victories lulled the Allies into a “false complacency about the limits of Ottoman effectiveness.” Prompted by a Russian plea to mount a diversionary campaign, Britain and France decided in spring 1915 to go for a knockout punch. They launched an ambitious amphibious attack through the heavily mined Dardanelles straits on the Gallipoli Peninsula. Such an attack would threaten Istanbul itself—if successful. Now it was the ordinary Allied soldiers’ turn, particularly the Australians and New Zealanders, to suffer at the hands of their commanders’ incompetence.

For eight months, the agony in the trenches at Gallipoli continued, with little substantial Allied progress. Here Colonel Mustafa Kemal—later called Ataturk, leader of Turkey in its successful war of independence of 1919-1923—first distinguished himself, as did the entire Ottoman army in their heroic defense of the Peninsula. Suffice it to say that in the years between the two world wars, the Gallipoli campaign was held up as proof by leading military strategists that the amphibious assault against a well-defended beach would never again succeed. The U.S. Marines, however, weren’t buying the message. They conducted an extensive study of Gallipoli, determining that the British and French had made a complete hash of the operation, and that, with proper training, specialized doctrine and equipment, heavily fortified beaches could indeed be taken. (In this they were correct, as World War II proved.)

Impending defeat at Gallipoli prompted London to order a British-Indian army to march on Baghdad to rekindle support for the war at home, and assuage suspected Muslim restiveness within their Empire. Once again, the tough Turks managed to repulse the British drive, capturing 13,000 Indians and Britons at the Siege of Kut.

After Kut, the war generally went quite badly for the Ottomans. A crucial factor in their misfortunes was Istanbul’s failure to win over the Arab tribes, loosely united under Sharif Husayn of Mecca, the great-great grandfather of Jordan’s current head of state, King Abdullah II, to fight for the Empire rather than against it. The Turks were badly outmaneuvered on the diplomatic front by the British, who concluded an alliance with Husayn in March 1916 in which false promises of postwar independence for the Arabs played no small role. The Arab Revolt was born. For the rest of the war, Husayn and his trusted adviser, T.E. Lawrence, effectively tied down Ottoman forces with guerrilla operations against (already thin) supply lines in Palestine, Syria, and the Arabian Peninsula.

Meanwhile, the Ottoman Sultan’s call to jihad utterly failed to strike a chord among the Muslims within the Allied empires, mainly because their clerics saw cynical German aspirations behind the call. In addition, as scholar Bernard Lewis has written, “The moral significance of an Arab army fighting the Turks, and still more, of the ruler of the holy places [Sharif Husayn] denouncing the Ottoman Sultan and his so-called jihad, was immense, and was of particular value to the British and incidentally to the French empires in maintaining their authority over their Muslim subjects.”

In fall 1917, a bold and very smart British general, Edmund Allenby, assumed command in the Middle East. He broke the main Ottoman defensive line in Palestine, centered on Gaza. The Turks retreated, surrendering Jerusalem without a shot. By this point, as Rogan points out, the Ottomans’ ambitions “had been narrowed from victory to survival.”

Setbacks on the Western front forestalled Allied operations in the Middle East until fall 1918. The Turks, badly in need of reinforcements and resupply that would never come, grimly held on. In a three-day operation in September around Megiddo in Palestine, Allenby used his cavalry to sweep around Ottoman forces, capturing tens of thousands before going on to completing his conquest of demoralized Ottoman forces in Syria.

With the final defeat of the Ottomans and Germany in 1918, European imperialism replaced Turkish rule throughout the Middle East. After four centuries united in a multinational empire under Ottoman Muslim rule, the Arabs found themselves divided into new states under the control of Britain and France. The 200-year retreat of Islamic power before the West had run its course. New boundaries were established to suit the expansionist designs of the conquerors, and, as Rogan points out in his excellent Conclusion:

The borders of the post-war settlement have proven remarkably resilient—as have the conflicts the post-war boundaries have engendered. The Kurdish people, divided between Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, have been embroiled in conflict with each of their host governments over the past century in pursuit of their cultural and political rights. Lebanon, created by France in 1920 as a Christian state, succumbed to a string of civil wars as its political institutions failed to keep pace with its demographic shifts and Muslims came to outnumber Christians. Syria, unreconciled to the creation of Lebanon from what many Syrian nationalists believed to be an integral part of their country, sent in its military to occupy Lebanon in 1976—and remained in occupation of that country for nearly thirty years. Despite its natural and human resources, Iraq has never known enduring peace and stability within its post-war boundaries, experiencing a coup and conflict with Britain in World War II, revolution in 1958, war with Iran between 1980 and 1988, and a seemingly unending cycle of war since Saddam Hussein’s 1991 invasion of Kuwait and the 2003 American invasion… to topple Hussein.

‘The Fall of the Ottomans: The Great War in the Middle East’ by Eugene Rogan. 512 p. Basic Books. $21.44 (via Amazon)

The Fall of the Ottomans: The Great War in the Middle East is a remarkably lucid and accessible work of history, involving a large cast of contradictory and complex characters. Rogan, who teaches the history of the modern Middle East at Oxford, seems equally at home explaining the parameters of Ottoman grand strategy and the tensions of the British-Arab alliance as he is at conjuring up the unique challenges of maneuver warfare in the Sinai and Palestine, or the brutal stalemate in the Gallipoli trenches. Telling quotations from diplomats, field commanders, and ordinary soldiers of all the combatants lend the narrative a powerful sense of immediacy.

Rogan wrote the book in part to challenge the conventional view that the Turkish campaigns against Britain and France in the Middle East and against the Russians in the Caucuses were strictly sideshows to the main events on the Western and Eastern fronts, and to convey to English speakers a flavor of the Muslim experiences of an event that did more than any other to give birth to the modern Middle East. Rogan certainly succeeds in demonstrating that “the sick man of Europe” proved to be a far more important player in the Great War than its opponents believed possible, in ways they never imagined.

ህግደፍ አብ ኩለን ካልኣይ ደረጃ አብያተ ቤት ትምህርትን ኮሌጃትን ኤርትራ ጎስጓስ የካይድ አሎ By assenna on April 13, 2015

Sminar_Halhae

ህግደፍ ብድሕሪ እቲ አብ ዓዲ ቐይሕ ዝገጠሞ ሓያል ናይ ህዝቢ ብፍላይ ናይ ተምሃሮ ተቓውሞ፤ አብ መላእ ሃገር አብ ኩለን ናይ ካልኣይ ደረጃ አብያተ ቤት ትምህርትን ኮሌጃትን ብመንገዲ አዘዝቲ ፓሊስ ጎስጓስ የካይድ አሎ።
እቲ ጎስጓስ ንተምሃሮ ምርዓድ ኢዩ። እቲ መንግስቲ አብ ልምዓት ከምዘሎን፤ ነዚ ንምዕንቃፍ ናይ ደገ ተጻብኦታት ስለዘለና መጋበርያ ከይትኾኑ፤ አብ ከምዚ ዝኣመሰለ ነገር ምስታፍ ንድሕነቶም ሓደገኛ ምኻኑ ብስም ጎስጓስ ናይ ምፍርራሕ ዘመተ የካይድ አሎ። ስርዓት ህግደፍ ነቲ እና ሓየለ ዝመጽእ ዘሎ ህዝባዊ ተቓውሞ ፤ ብቐንዱ ተምሃሮን መንእሰያትን አብ ምምጻእ ለውጢ አብ ኤርትራ አብ ቀዳማይ መስመር ክስርዑ ከምዝኽእሉ ስለዝፈልጥ፤ ብኣጋ ነብሱ ናይ ምክልኻል ጎስጓስ የካይድ አሎ። ስጋብ ሕጅ አብ አቑርደት፤ ኮለጅ ሃመልማሎ፤ ኮሌጅ ዓዲ ቐይሕ፡ ፎርቶ ሳዋ፤ ባረንቱ ጎስጓስ አካይዱ አሎ። ነቲ አብ ኮሌጃት ዝካየድ ጉስጓስ ዘካይድ ዘሎ ኮረኔል መሓሪ ጸጋይ አዛዚ ፖሊሰ ኤርትራ ምኻኩ ክፍለጥ ተኻኢሉ አሎ።
ግዱሳት ካብ ኤርትራ

ካትም ቃል-ኪዳነይ ሂበዮ! By assenna

ካትም ቃል-ኪዳነይ ሂበዮ!

ring

ካትም ቃል-ኪዳነይ ሂበዮ!
 
‘እቶም ብቐረባ ርሕቐት ንሰምዖም ዝነበርና ኣራዊት መሮር፡ ማለት ኣዛብእ፡ ብዓውታ ይንቅዉ ስለ ዝነበሩ፡ ከምዛ መጺኦም ብደውና ከለና ጉቡጥ ዘብሉና እናመሰለና፡ ዳርጋ ነፍሲ ወከፍና፡ ምዩቕን ጸጸኒሕካ ንድሕሪት ቁሊሕ ምባልን ኣየቋረጽናን! ‘ንኺድ ደኣ ቀሪብና ኢና! ኣጆኹም!’ እናበለ መራሕ መገዲ፡ ኬድካዮ ዘይውዳእ ጎቦን ስንጭሮን ከጓዕዘና ስለ ዝሓደረውን፡ ድኻም፣ ጥምየት፣ ማይ ጽምእን ብስለያ ህግደፍ ከይንታሓዝ ስግኣትን፡ ብኣካልን ብመንፈስን ኣዝዮም ሃሲዮሙና ነበሩ። ኣብቲ ህሞት እቲ ከለና ድማ’ዩ ኣንዋር ዓርከይ፡ ልቡ ሰልሃው ኢሉዎ ክጠልመና ዝደለየ!
 
‘ኣጆኻ ኣንዋር ዓርከይ! ቀሪብና ኢና! ተንስእ!’ ብምባል፡ ካብቲ ዝወደቖ ከተንስኦ ዝረኣየኒ መራሕ መገዲ፡ ናባይ ምልስ ኢሉ፡ ‘ኣታ ወዲ፡ ያላ ግደፎ ንኣኡ ንስኻ ንዓናይ! በዚ ዝርእዮ ዘለኹ ዚበጽሕ ኣይመስልን’ዩ! በቃ ንሕና ንኺድ!’ በለኒ ናብቲ ረፈጥ ኢሉ ዝነበረ ኣንዋር ዓርከይ ደኒኑ እናጠመተ። ኣንዋር፡ ድራር’ቶም ብድምጾም ዘሸብሩና ዝነበሩ ኣዛብእ ንኪኸውን፡ ኣብቲ በረኻ ገዲፍናዮ ክንከይድ ምስ ሓበረኒ፡ ኣዝየ ሰንበድኩ! ‘እዋእ! ከመይ ጌርና ኣብ በረኻ ገዲፍናዮ ክንከይድ ኣታ!? ኣዛብእ ክበልዑዎ!? ኣይ ሓውና’ንድዩ! ንዓ በጃኻ ሓግዘኒ ደጊፍና ነሳልዮ? ካብ ሽግር እናሃደምናስ ንሰብ ኣብ ሽግር ገዲፍና ክንከይድ!?’ ምስ በልኩዎ ዓይኒ ዓይኑ እናጠመትኩ፡
 
‘ኣይከውንን’ዩ! ይሪኦ’ንድየ ዘለኹ ተኻኢሉ! ንኣኡ ከነሳሊ ንሕና ክንልከም ኣይኮናን! ግደፎ ንዓናይ ኣይበጽሓልናን’ዩ! እንተዘይ ኮይኑ ንሕና ክንከይድ ኢና! እንተ ደሊኻ ንስኻ ምሳኡ ትረፍ!’ ኢሉ ኣዒንቱ ምስ ኣፍጠጠለይ፡ ‘ንዓ በጃኻ ዝሓወይ ሓግዘኒ? ዓሰርተ ሽሕ ናቕፋ ክውስኸካ’የ!’ በልኩዎ ቅልጥፍ ኢለ፡ ደንጊጹ ኪሕግዘኒ ከምዘይክእል፡ ብጭካነኡ ስለ ዘስተውዓልኩ። መራሕ መገዲ፡ ዓሰርተ ሽሕ ቅርሺ ምስ ሰምዐ፡ ካብ ደበና ከም ዝወጸት ወርሒ፡ ገጹ ብፍስሃ ደሚቑ፡ ብቕጽበት በርሃው ኢሉ ኪውላዕ ተዓዘብኩዎ!  ‘ገንዘብ እንተ ወሲኽካ ደኣ ሕራይ ነሳልዮ!’ ድማ በለኒ ቅልጥፍ ኢሉ። ‘እዋይ ግዜ! ኣንታ ኣምላኽ! እዚ ገንዘብ ወረቐትሲ ካብ ህይወት ወዲ ሰብ ንላዕሊ ከቢሩ!?’ በልኩ ብልበይ፡ እንደገና ንኣንዋር ዓርከይ ደጊፈ እናኣተንሳእኩ።
 
ብድሕሪኡ ክልተና ተሓጋጊዝና፡ ንኣንዋር ዓርከይ እናኣሳለና፡ ሓያለይ መገዲ ምስ ተጓዓዝና፡ መራሕ መገዲ ብሃንደበት ደው በለ’ሞ፡ ‘በሉ ሕጅስ ንበይንኹም ቀጽሉ። ናብ መሬት ኢትዮጵያ ንምእታው ካብዚኣ ኣርባዕተ ሰዓት ጥራይ እየን ተሪፈናኹም ዘለዋ። በዚኣ ጌርኩም ኪዱ። ንስኻ ከኣ እተን ክህበካ’የ ዝበልካኒ 10,000 ቅርሺ ሃበኒ ክኸይድ’ በለኒ ናባይ ጽግዕ ኢሉ።
 
‘ኣታ ሓወይ፡ ግዜ ኮይኑ’ምበር ነዚ ብዓሰርተው ክልተ ቅርሺ፡ ኣብ ኣውቶቡስ ኣራጢጥና፡ ‘ተዘወሪ ማኪና ተዘወሪ’የ፡ ኣስመራ ራማ ኮይኑ መዛወሪ’የ!’ ዚብል ደርፊ እናሰማዕና ክንሰግሮ ንኽእል ዝነበርና ዶብ ንምስጋር እኮ ኢኻ ንነፍሲወከፍና 120,000 ቅርሺ ኣኽፊልካና ዘለኻ! ንኣኡ’ባ ረአ!? ሕጂ ከኣ ንሓውካ፡ ከማኻ ኤርትራዊ ደጊፍካ ንሓደ ሰዓት ስለ ዝተጓዕዝካስ ተወሳኺ 10,000 ቅርሺ ትሓተኒ ኣለኻ!?’ ብምባል፡ ተገሪመ ምስ ሓተትኩዎ፡ ‘ክህበካ’የ ምሽ ኢልካኒ!? በቃ ዘረባ ኣይትግበር! ትም ኢልካ ጥራይ ገንዘበይ ሃበኒ!’ ኢሉ ኣጓጠጠለይ። ‘በል ገንዘብስ የብለይን! ግድን ካብ በልካኒ ግን እንካ’ዛ ካትም ቃል-ኪዳነይ ውሰዳ!’ ኢለ፡ ካትመይ ካብ ኣጻብዐይ ኣውጺአ ምስ ሃብኩዎ፡ ኮርዩ፡ ቻው ከይበለና፡ ኮርደብ ኮርደብ እናበለ ንድሕሪት ገጹ ተመርቀፈ።
 
ኣብታ ህሞት እቲኣ ግን ንኣይ፡ ክልተ ተጻረርቲ ሓሳባት ተፈራሪቖም ኣጨንቖሙኒ ነበሩ። በዚ ከኣ ንገለ ካልኢት ሰንፈላል ኮይነ፡ ናብቶም በቲ ዝነበረ ድቕድቕ ጸላም፡ ዝያዳ ደሚቖም ዝረኣዩ ዝነበሩ ኮዋኽብቲ ሰማይ፡ ክሳደይ ኣንቃዕሪረ እናኣማዕደኹ ፈዘዝኩ። እቲ ቀዳማይ ዘሸበረኒ ሓሳብ፡ ናይ ቃል-ኪዳን ካትመይ፡ ብዘይፍቓድ ብጸይተይ፡ ካብ ኣጻብዕተይ ኣውጺአ ንሰብ ብምሃበይ፡ ኣፍቃሪተይ፡ ማለት ብዓልቲ ቃል-ኪዳነይ ዝጠልምኩ ኮይኑ ስለ ዝተሰምዓኒ፡ ዝመጸኒ ጸጸት ኪኸውን ከሎ፣ እቲ ካልኣይ ብኣንጻሩ ዘቕሰነኒ ሓሳባት ድማ እቲ ኣብ መጽሓፍ ቅዱስ ዝነበብኩዎ፡ “ንብጻይካ ከም ነብስኻ ኣፍቅሮ!” ዝብል ቅዱስ ቃል ብምፍጻመይ፡ ዝመጸ ባህታ ነበረ። እቲ ካልኣይ ሓሳብ ነቲ ቀዳማይ ሓሳብ ስለ ዝሰዓረ ድማ’የ፡ ብቕጽበት ካትመይ ካብ ኣጻብዕተይ ኣውጺአ፡ ንመራሕ መገዲ ንክህቦ ትብዓት ዝረኸብኩ።
 
ብድሕሪ’ዚ ጉዕዞና ነቲ ገና ትንፋስ ዘይመለሰ ኣንዋር ዓርከይ እናደገፍካ ምቕጻል ኮነ። ቊሩብ ምስ ከድና ግን እቶም ምሳና ዝተጓዕዙ ሸሞንተ መጓዕዝትናውን ‘ነዚ ከነሳሊ መሬት ክወግሓና ኣይኮነን! ገዲፍናዮ ንኺድ!’ ብምባል፡ ከጉረምሩሙ ጀመሩ። ‘ኣንታ ከመይ ጌርና ኢና’ሞ ሓውና፡ መጓዓዝትናን ብጻይናን ኣብ በረኻ ደርቢና ክንከይድ!? በጃኻትኩም ተሓጋጊዝና ነሳልዮ? ቀሪብና’ኮ ኢና! ቊሩብ ጥራይ ንሓግዞ?’ ብምባል፡ ለምንኩዎም። እንተ ኾነ ኩላቶም መኻይድና ክሰምዑኒ ኣይከኣሉን! ብድሕሪ’ዚ፡ ‘በሉ ንስኻትኩም ኪዱ፡ ኣነ ግን ሓወይ ገዲፈ ኣይከይድን’የ! ዕድል እንተ ጌርና ከኣ ተታሒዝና ንእሰር፡ ከምኡ እንተዘይ ኮነውን ብሓባር ብዝብኢ ንብዕ!’ ኢለ፡ ኣነ ምስ ኣንዋር ተሪፈ ንሳቶም ግን ጉዕዞኦም ቀጺሎም።
 
‘እዋይ ኤርትራውያን! ከምዚ ኢልና ኣብ ንሓድሕድና ተጨኻኺንና! ሙዃን ንሓድሕድና እንተዘይንጨኻኸን ኔርና ደኣ እዚ ብቐሊሉ ፋሕ ብትን ዘብለና ዘሎ፡ ብዘይካ ሕሰም ዋላ ሓንቲ መዓልቲውን ትኹን ራህዋ ርኢናሉ ዘይንፈልጥ ስርዓት ከማን ከምዚ ጌሩ ክጻወተልና ኣይምኸኣለን! እንተንሰምርስ ቅልጽምና ኣሕቢርና ቀደም ምጸረግናዮ ኔርና! እዚ ኪኸውን እንተ ዚኽእል ድማ ብድሕሪኡ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ፡ መምስ ስድራኡ ተሓቋቚፉ፡ ብሰላም ኣብ ዓዱ ከቢሩ ምነበረ ኔሩ!’ በልኩ ነቲ ኣብ ጎድነይ ተጋዲሙ ዝነበረ፡ ኣይምውት ኣይስሩር ዝኾነ ዓርከይ፡ ኣዒንተይ ተኺለ እናጠመትኩ።
 
ቊሩብ ምስ ኣዕረፍና ከኣ ንኣንዋር ዓርከይ ደጊፈ ብምትንሳእ፡ እንደገና ሰለይ እናበልኩ፡ ብዓቕሊ ጽበት ንቕድመይ ክጓዓዝ ጀምርኩ። እንተ ኾነ ኣነውን ድሕሪ ቊሩብ ጉዕዞ፡ ንገዛእ ርእሰይ ተሰኒፈ ዘፍ በልኩ’ሞ፡ ክሳዕ ዝረኸበ ዝረኽበና፡ ኣብታ ዝነበርናያ ቦታ ኴንና ዕድልና ክንጽበ ወሰንኩ። ኣብኡ ከለና መሬት ስለ ዝቐደደ ከኣ ኣብ ኣጋ ወጋሕታ፡ ኣባላት ስለያ ህግደፍ’ዮም ይመስለኒ፡ ብረት ዝዓጠቑ ሰባት ብጥቓና ክሓልፉ ምስ ረኣኹ፡ ካብ ሞት ከድሕኑና ምእንቲ፡ ‘ኣታ በጃኻትኩም ሓግዙኒ ሰብ ይሞተኒ ኣሎ!’ እናበልኩ ዓው ኢለ ጸዋዕኩዎም፡ እንተስ ዘይሰምዑኒ ኮይኖም፡ እንተስ ይሙት ኢሎሙኒ ግን ጥሒሶሙኒ ደኣ ሓለፉ!
 
ዝገርም’ዩ ፍቑራተይ፡ “ኣምላኽ ኣለኻ እንተ ኢሉካስ ኣይትመውትን ኢኻ!” ከም ዝብሃል፡ እዚ ብሂል’ዚ፡ ብግብሪ ኣብ ልዕለይን ኣብ ልዕሊ ኣንዋር ዓርከይን ኪፍጸም ርአዮ። ኣብ በረኻ ምስ ኣራዊት ኣዕሪፍና ሓዲርናስ፡ እንደገና ጉዕዞና ብምቕጻል፡ ብሰላም ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ኣቲና እብለኩም። ልዑል ምስጋና ነቲ ኣለኹም ኢሉ፡ ህይወትና ካብ ሞት ዝዓቀበ ልዑል ፈጣሪና ይኹን። ከምኡውን ነቶም ኣብ ቤቶም ተቐቢሎም፡ ካብ ኣደራዕ ምልኪ ኣዕቊቦም፡ እኽለ-ማይ ዘዐንገሉና ኣሕዋት ኢትዮጵያውያን።
 
‘እዋይ! እዛ ሽሮ ናይ ኣደይ ደኣ በየን ጌራ ሓሊፋ ጸኒሓትኒ ወደይ!?’ በልኩዎ ነቲ፡ ቆንጠጥ እናበለ፡  ካብቲ፡ ኣብቲ ዝኣተናዮ ገዛ ዝተቐረበልና መኣዲ ዝምገብ ዝነበረ ኣንዋር ዓርከይ ፍሽኽታ ኣሰንየ። ‘ኪድ! ሓሳዊ! ከምዚ ኪትብል ከለኻስ ብሽሮ ዝደንገልካ ትመስል!’ በለኒ ኣንዋር ዓርከይውን ፍሽኽ ኪብል እናፈተነ። ‘እዋእ! ደንጊለ’ወ! ከም ገለ እንተ ተቐይራ ከኣ ዘይእተን ኣደይ ኣብ ወርሒድዩ ኣብ ሰለስተ ወርሒ ካብ ምምሕዳር ህግደፍ፡ ብኩፖን ተምጽአን ዓደስ’የን ዘብርያኣ!  ካልእ ዚብላዕ ኣይነበረናን! ኣውደኣመት እንተ ኮይኑ ከኣ’ባ እንቋቖሖ ዘይብላ ደርሆ ንምሳሕ!
 
ኣንታ ወረ መዓልቱ ዘሕለፈ፡ ልክዕ ከም ጠስሚ ኣፍሊሕካ ወይውን ጸሓይ ኣውቂዕካ እትጥቀመሉ ዘይቲ እናዓደሉ፡ ህዝቢ ብሕማም ልቢ ወዲኦሞ ኣለዉ! ኣዝዩ ሓደገኛ’ዩ! ከም ቀደምና ጨጎራ ወዲ ጨጎራና ከይንበልዕ ከኣ ንሳውን ሽታ ማይ ካብ ትኸውን ዓመታት ሓሊፉዋ ኣሎ! እዋይ መዓት! ኣታ ወዲ፡ ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ዕስራ ዓመት፡ ኣነን ኣደይን ዝበላዕናዮ ሽሮ ኣብ ሓደ እንተ ዝባዓጥ’ኮ፡ ንካቴድራለ ክልተ ግዜ መለመጻ ኔሩ’ዩ!’ ምስ በልኩዎ ዕትብ ኢለ፡ ኣንዋር ዓርከይ ዓው ኢሉ ኪስሕቕ ጎሮሮኡ ስለ ዘሕመሞ፡ እናሰሓቐ ከሎ ገጹ ተጸዋወገ።
 
‘ኣታ ተኽለ ዓርከይ ዘይተብልዓና! መኣዲ ቀሪብካ ትጻወት!? እግርኻ ከይኣተኻ ከኣ ላግጺ ጀሚርካ!?’ ምስ በለኒ ፍሽኽታኡ ኪገትእ እናፈተነ ከኣ ዘረባኡ ነቦይ ሓይላይ ስለ ዘዛኻኸረኒ፡ ኣነውን ካዕካዕ ኢለ ሰሓቕኩ። ‘እዋእ! ኣታ ተጸሊልካ ዲኻ!? ስነ ስርዓት ግበር እንተበልኩኻስ መሊስካ ትስሕቕ!?’ በለኒ ኣንዋር ዓርከይ እንደገና ተገሪሙ። ‘ኣንታ ኣንዋር ዓርከይ ‘እግርኻ ከይኣተኻ’ ምስ በልካኒ’ድየ ነቦይ ሓይላይ ዘኪረዮም!’ ምስ በልኩዎ ነታ ብየማናይ ኢደይ ሒዘያ ዝነበርኩ ኩላሶ እናኾለስኩ ከኣ ‘ነቦይ ሓይላይ ደኣ ብምንታይ ዘኪርካዮም?’ በለኒ።
 
‘ትፈልጥ ኢኻ ምሽ ካብ ናጽነት ኣትሒዞም ዕል ደጋፊ ህግደፍ ከም ዝነበሩ?’
‘እወ እፈልጥ። ምሽ ብኸምኡ’ዮም ከማን ነቶም ድሕሪ ናጽነት ዝተወልዱ ሰለስተ ደቆም፡ ነቲ ሓደ ኢሳያስ፣ ነታ ምንኣሱ ኣስካሉ፣ ነቲ ሳልሳይ ድማ ስብሓት ኢሎም ስም ኣውጺኦሙሎም ሓቀይ?’ ምስ በለኒ፡ እንደገና ካዕካዕ ኢለ ሰሓቕኩ።
 
‘እወ ጽቡቕ ኣለኻ። ኣቦይ ሓይላይ፡ ቅድሚ ሰለስተ ዓመት ብሃንደበት፡ ብኣባላት ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ካብ ገዛኦም ተጨውዮም ምስ ተወስዱ፡ ኣብዚኣ ኣትዮም ከይተባህለ፡ ንዓመታት ተሰዊሮም ድሕሪ ምጽንሖም፡ ብቕድሚ ትማሊ’ዮም ካብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ህግደፍ ወጺኦም ናብ ስድራኦም ተመሊሶም። ኣብ ቤቶም ምስ ኣተዉ ከኣ ብዓልቲ ቤቶም ንበይነን ስለ ጸንሓኦም፡ እንታይ ኢሎምድዮም ሓቲቶመን መሲሉካ፡’ ምስ በልኩዎ፡ ኣንዋር ዓርከይ ይሓይኽ ስለ ዝነበረ፡ ርእሱ ብእወታ ነቕነቐለይ።
 
‘ኣቲ!’ በሉወን ነተን ዕልል እናበላ ምስ ተቐበላኦም፡ ብቕጽበት እኽለማይ ክቕርባሎም ናብ ክሽነ ገጸን ዘምርሓ ብዓልቲ ቤቶም።
‘እየይ’ መለሳ ንሰንውን ስንብድ ኢለን።
‘ኣበይ ከይዶም እቶም ኣባላት ህግደፍ!?’ ምስ በሉወን ተገንጪሮም ከኣ ኣደይ ለታይ ሕቶኦም ስለ ዘይተረድአን፡ ‘መንዮም ኣባላት ህግደፍከ!?’ ክብላ ተገሪመን ሓተታኦም።’ ምስ በልኩዎ፡ ኣንዋር ዓርከይ፡ ሕቶ ኣቦይ ሓይላይ ስለ ዝተረድኦ፡ ነቦይ ሓይላውን ሕፍ ደጋፊ ህግደፍ ከም ዝነበሩ ጽቡቕ ጌሩ ስለ ዝፈልጦም፡ ጎሮሮኡ ክሳብ ዝጉዳእ ኻዕካዕ ኢሉ ሰሓቐ።
 
‘እውይይ ምስኪናይ! እሞ ሕጂ ደኣ ከመይ ጌሮም ንደቆም ስም ክቕይሩሎም’ዮም ወደይ!?’ ድማ በለኒ፡ ሽክና ርእሱ ንየማነ-ጸጋም እናነቕነቐ። ‘ኤእ! ሕጂ ደኣ ካብ ስም ደቆም ዚቕይሩ፡ ንስርዓት ህግደፍ ኪቕይሩ ኣበርቲዖም ኪቃለሱ ኣለዎም እምበር!’ ምስ በልኩዎ ገጸይ እስር ኣቢለ ከኣ ‘ንሱስ ናይ ኩልና ዕማምዩ ተኽለ ዓርከይ!’ ብምባል፡ ኣንዋር ዓርከይውን ርእሱ ደፍአ። ‘ሓቅኻ ኣንዋር ዓርከይ፡ መንግስትን ሕግን ኣብ ሃገርና ምትካል፡ ውራይ ኩልና ኤርትራውያን’ዩ! ናብ ስደት ወጺእና ማለት፡ ሽግርና ተፈቲሑ ማለት ኣይኮነን! ኣብ ዝሃለና ሃሊና፡ ንሽግርና መሰረታዊ ፍታሕ ክንገብረሉ ምእንቲ፡ ኣበርቲዕና ክንቃለስ ኣለና!’
‘እወ ንሳ’ያ እታ እንኮ መፍትሒት ሽግርና!’ ተባሃሂሎም እቶም ክልተ መሙን (ትኽትንፋስ ኣዕሩኽ)፡ ብሓባር ናብቲ ከይተፈለጦም ጥራሑ ዘትረፉዎ መኣዶም፡ ኣራእሶም ደፍኡ።
 
ክቡራት ኣሕዋትን ኣሓትን፡ እዚ ልዕል ኢልኩም ክትነቡዎ ዝጸናሕኩም ዛንታ፡ ብሓቂ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራውያን ኣሕዋትና ዘጋጠመ፡ ቀሊል ዚመስል ዓቢ ፍጻመ ኮይኑ፡ ልቢ ወለድ ብዚመስል ኣጋባብ’ዩ ግን ቀሪቡ ዘሎ። ኣብዚ ዝሰማዕኩሞ ዛንታ ከኣ በቲ ሓደ ወገን፡ ስስዐ፣ ክሕደት፣ ንኣይ ይጥዓመኒ፤ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ድማ ሓልዮት፣ እምነት፣ ፍቕሪ፣ ትብዓትን ተወፋይነትን ተራእዩ ኣሎ። ነዚ ክልተ ዝተፈላለየ ተራጻሚ ፍጻመታት ንኽገልጽን ነቶም ኣሕዋቶም፡ ነብሶም ካብ ባርነት ህግደፍ ስለ ዘድሓኑ፡ መንነቶም ብምሕካኽ፡ ‘ወያነ፣ ከዳዕ፣ ወዘተ.’ እናበሉ ብህይወት ኣሕዋቶም ክጣልዑ ዝደልዩ ዘለዉ፡ ተበለጽቲ ጊላታት ህግደፍ፡ ንኣውያቶም እዝኒ ኣይትሃቡዎ ንምባልን ድማ’የ ሕጂ፡ በቲ ንነገራት ብሓጺርን ብቐሊልን ናይ ምግላጽ ዓቕሙ ልዑል ዚኾነ ናዕታ ኣቢለ፡ “ብስራት ኣሎዎ” ብዚብል ኣርእስቲ ክቓንዪ ፈቲነ ዘለኹ።
 
ብስራት ኣሎዎ!
 
ለካ ቊጽሪ ኣይኮነን እቲ ዘዐውት ሓይሊ
ጽንዓትን ሓቦን’ዩ ዘይጽንቀቕ ዓቕሊ
ለካ ኣጽዋር ኣይኮነን ምስጢር ዓወት ገድሊ
ሓልዮት ብጻይካ’ዩ ካብ ነብስኻ ንላዕሊ!
 
ዓወት ናይ ተኽለዉን ምስ ኣንዋር ብጻዩ
ናብ ዓዲ ሰብ ዝኣተወ ንዓርኩ ኣሳልዩ
መዘና ዘይብሉ ፍቕርን ሓልዮትን’ዩ
ኣምላኽ ኣጽሊሉዎም ዕርክነቶም ርእዩ!
 
ተኽለ ጅግና ትብዓትካ ኣድኒቐዮ
‘ካብ ንውጹዕ ሓወይ ዝኸይድ ገዲፈዮ
ህይወተይ ምስ ዓርከይ ዝብኢ ይብላዓዮ!’
እናበልካ ብሓልዮት ምስ ኣሳለኻዮ
ኣብ ትሕቲ ፈጣሪ ህይወቱ ኣድሒንካዮ!
 
እዋን ሓሲሙ እምበር ብመግዛእቲ ህግደፍ
ንስቓይን ሞትንዶ ዓድኻ ይግደፍ!?
ግዜ ከፊኡ’ምበር በዚሑ መስገደል
ገንዘብ ከፊልካዶ ይእቶ’ዩ ናብ ገደል!?
ሰላም ስኢንና’ምበር ስቅያት በዚሑ
ጎበዝዶ ይጠፍእ’ዩ ሃገሩ ራሕሪሑ!
 
እቲ ዘሕዝነኒ ግን ንኣይ ልዕሊ ኹሉ
ኣብ ስደት ሰፊሮም እንብዓል ኣምሰሉ
‘ሃገር ጽቡቕ ኣላ፡ ማዕቢላ’ እናበሉ
ነብሶምን የዋህን ወትሩ እናኣታለሉ
ሓሳር መከራና ዕድመ ክልቅብሉ
ኣብ ዕብዳን ምንባሮም ጓይላ እናተኸሉ
ከመይ ከም ዝገልጾም ቃላት ስኢነሉ!
 
ኣቱም ብዓል *ሻጉራይ ደሰቕቲ ከበሮ   *መባጻጻሕቲ ወረ
እቲ ተምልኹዎ ፈጣሪ እምባጋሮ
ሃገር ኣባዲሙ ህዝባ እናኣባረሮ
ክንዲ ትመኽሩዎ ቃል ስውእ ከኽብሮ
ብውልቃዊ ጥቕሚ ኣጥፊእኩም *ሰሃሮ     *ሓልዮት፡ ድንጋጸ
ነዚ ለዋህ ህዝቢ ትብሉዎ ደክሮ!
 
እቲ ትማሊ ግን ሃገሩ ዘድሓነ
ኣብ ኣርዑት መላኺ ወትሩ እናተቖርነ
ቀሲኑ ንምንባር ሰላም ምስ ሰኣነ
ህይወቱ ንምድሓን ስደት ተፈተነ
ከሓዲ ትብሉዎ ዕሱብ ናይ ወያነ
ቊሩብ ዘይምሕፋርኩም ይገርመኒ ኣነ!
 
ኩሉኹም ኣሕዋተይ ግዳይ ናይዚ ሽፍታ
ካብ ጊልያታት ምልኪ ካብ በበይኑ ቦታ
ድምጺ እንተ ሰማዕኩም ኣብዚ እዋን *ከውታ     *ፍርቂ ለይቲ
ሕድሪ ኣይትጽልኡዎ ናይ ኣዕዋፍ ጩቕጩቕታ
ብስራት ኣሎዎ ምቕራቡ ወጋሕታ!         *ብርሃን
 
ጸላም ግብ ተበለ ኣብ ኣጋ ምውግሑ   
ስጋ እንተ ጻዕደወ ምልክት ምስብሑ
ዝጠመዩ ኣኽላባት ወትሩ እንተ ነብሑ
ደገፍቲ ህግደፍውን ዓፍራ እንተ ኣብዝሑ
ምልክት ቅብጸት’ዩ ዕርበቶም ምብጽሑ
ጀጋኑ ኤርትራ ሓደ ኴንኩም ስርሑ
ፍትሒ ቀሪቡ ኣሎ *ባብ ሓርነት ከርሑ!    *ኣፍደገ፡ መእተዊ
 
ክብርን መጐስን ነቲ መለለይ ኤርትራዊ ክብሪ ዝኾነ፡ ንብጻይካ ከም ነብስኻ ናይ ምርኣይ ልምዲ፡ ኣብ ግብሪ ብምፍጻም፡ ህይወት ሓውን ብጻዩን ዘድሓነ ተባዕ መንእሰይ፡ ስነ ጥበበኛ ተኽለ መዝገበ ይኹን! በዚ ኣጋጣሚውን ነዚ ሎሚ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሃገርና ኤርትራን ህዝባን ዚፍጸም ዘሎ ዓቢ በደል ዘይቃወምን ዘይኩንን ዘበለ ኩሉ፡ ኤርትራዊ’ዩ ወይውን ፈታው ኤርትራዊ’ዩ ክትብሎ ኣጸጋሚ ሙዃኑ ክሕብር እፈቱ።
 
ኤርትራና ክሓልፈላ፡ ስርዓት ምልኪ ንእለየላ!
 
ካብ ሓውኹም መሲናስ 13/04/2015

 

The man who could save Yemen Khaled Bahah’s appointment as vice president is the first step towards a political solution in war-torn Yemen.

 by Gamal Gasim

  • Former Yemeni Prime Minister Khaled Bahah has been appointed as Yemen's vice president [AFP]
Former Yemeni Prime Minister Khaled Bahah has been appointed as Yemen’s vice president [AFP]

Former Yemeni Prime Minister Khaled Bahah’s appointment as vice president on Sunday indicates that Saudi Arabia may have realised President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi is actually part of the problem, rather than the solution.

By pressuring Hadi to name a vice president at this critical time, the kingdom may be indicating its political plans for Yemen after the end of its military operation. It is also possible that Bahah will become the de facto president of Yemen, especially since he is popular among broader segments of the Yemeni population than Hadi.

Bahah was the only politician accepted by both the Houthis and former President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s party to become Yemen’s prime minister after the infamous January 2015 agreement of peace and partnership between Hadi, the Houthis, and other key Yemeni political actors.