Ethiopia Ministry of Foreign Affairs by Ethiopean News

    • Ethiopia making preparations to evacuate its nationals from Yemen (Apr 01, 2015)

The Government of Ethiopia, which has set up a National Committee to organize the evacuation of Ethiopian citizens in a safe and orderly manner, is actively making preparations to evacuate Ethiopian nationals from the Republic of Yemen. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, stating its reassurance to all concerned Ethiopian nationals residing in Yemen, is also working through the Embassy in Sana’a, capital of Yemen, to make arrangements for the speedy and safe evacuation of Ethiopian citizens and discussing with other stakeholders to make the appropriate methods and ways in relation to the evacuation of Ethiopian nationals from that country. The Ethiopian Embassy in Sana’a has deployed its staff and formed a committee to register Ethiopian nationals, process their travel documents as well as complete their full evacuation process in an orderly fashion. The Embassy is also collaborating and working with the Ethiopian Diasporacommunity representatives and members residing in Yemen on ways to support the speedy registration and safe evacuation of Ethiopian citizens living across Yemen.Registration is now underway.  The Government is closely following the conditions of Ethiopian nationals in Yemen. Following the processing of their travel documents, the evacuation process will start in a shortest possible time.

Anti-Islam and anti-racism protesters clash around Australia MELBOURNE, Australia (AP)

 The most violent clash was in Melbourne, Australia’s second-largest city, where police struggled to separate 3,000 opposing demonstrators.

The Victoria state ambulance service treated four people, three for minor injuries from assaults in Melbourne, Ambulance Victoria spokesman Paul Bentley said. The fourth was treated for chest pains. None of the injured was taken to a hospital, he said.

Police arrested two men and a woman in the fracas in Melbourne’s downtown Federation Square, Victoria Police spokeswoman Belinda Batty said.

Batty said the three were later released. She said all would be charged, but she could not detail those charges.

Reclaim Australia, a community group, organized rallies in 16 cities and towns around Australia against Islamic extremism, the “Islamization” of Australian society, Islamic Sharia law and the Halal-certification of most meats sold in Australia.

The protesters condemned the cost of the certification for a Muslim minority that is less than 3 percent of the Australian population as a “Halal tax” on the nation.

They were shouted down with anti-racism slogans by left-wing groups including No Room for Racism, Socialist Alliance and Socialist Alternative.

Reclaim Australia protester Rhonda Cashmore said their protest was not about racism.

“Most here are happy to have immigrants who want to come and fit in,” she said. “We’re protesting against immigrants who don’t want to follow our laws.”

Rival protester Gerard Morel said he opposed the anti-Islam rally because his grandfather had been victimized by Nazis during World War II.

“What I see is two groups with diametrically opposing ideas,” he said. “They’re extreme views that are inconsistent with what Australia stands for.”

Yemen officials say rebels free hundreds of prisoners by SANAA, Yemen (AP)

A supporter of the Shiite Huthi militia takes part in a demonstration in Yemen's second larget city of Taez on April 3, 2015, to protest against the Saudi-led coalition’'s Operation Decisive Storm against the rebels in Yemen

A supporter of the Shiite Huthi militia takes part in a demonstration in Yemen’s second larget city of Taez on April 3, 2015, to protest against the Saudi-led coalition’’s Operation Decisive Storm against the rebels in Yemen (AFP Photo/Abdulrahaman Abdullah)

SANAA, Yemen (AP) — Shiite rebels freed more than 300 prisoners in the southern city of Dhale, Yemeni security officials said, as the rebels fought pitched battles with supporters of the country’s beleaguered President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi in the southern port city of Aden.

The Shiite rebels, known as Houthis, have been trying to take control of Dhale in order to open up a corridor to Aden, a stronghold for Hadi loyalists.

Since their advance began last year, the Houthis have overrun Yemen’s capital, Sanaa, and several provinces, forcing Hadi to flee the country.

The officials, speaking on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to journalists, said that after the Houthi fighters took control of Dhale’s central prison, they gave inmates a choice between joining their ranks or remaining incarcerated.

A Saudi-led coalition continued to carry out intensive airstrikes overnight and early Saturday morning targeting Houthi positions in north and east Aden. The airstrikes continued in the Houthi stronghold of Saada in the north of the country.

As night fell, the airstrikes rocked northern Sanaa, Yemen’s capital, prompting dozens of families to flee their homes.

The rebel-controlled Ministry of Interior said 11 people were killed, including four children, when a coalition airstrike hit the village of Hajer, west of Sanaa.

In Aden, pro-Hadi militias are facing off against a combined force of Houthi fighters aligned with forces loyal to Hadi’s predecessor — ousted autocrat Ali Abdullah Saleh. Eyewitnesses said rebel snipers are shooting at their adversaries from the city’s rooftops.

Coalition planes airdropped weapons to fighters battling the Houthis in Aden early Friday, the first such airdrop since the strikes began 10 days ago.

Medical officials said six civilians were killed Saturday during fighting at the entrance of al-Ma’ala, a town on the outskirts of Aden.

Critics of the Houthis charge that they are an Iranian proxy. Iran has provided aid to the rebels, but both Tehran and the Houthis deny it has armed them.

Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi met with his country’s Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to discuss Egypt’s role in the Saudi-led Yemen campaign.

“Egypt will never abandon her brothers in the Gulf,” he said in remarks following the meeting and carried on state and private television channels.

El-Sissi added that he and his Gulf allies considered the Bab el-Mandeb strait an issue of national security.

The Houthis and their allies took up positions last week overlooking the strategic strait, which serves as a gateway to the Suez Canal, raising the risk they could threaten the key global shipping route with heavy weapons.

Houthi spokesman Mohammed Abdel Salam said in a statement that “sowing fear about the Bab el-Mandeb aims to support aggression in Yemen,” adding that the rebels are open to talks with Egypt about the issue.

ERITREA – Article published the Thursday 02 April 2015 – Latest update : Thursday 02 April 2015 Rights groups fear EU policy shift on Eritrea

Eritrean migrants abducted and tortured in Egypt while trying to flee their country

Eritrean migrants abducted and tortured in Egypt while trying to flee their country

Memento/Delphine Deloget et Cécile Allegra
By Michel Arseneault

Academics and rights activists fear a rapprochement between the European Union and Eritrea, warning that EU policy-makers are making light of the Horn of Africa country’s dismal rights record in their bid to reduce the number of Eritreans who are ready to risk their lives at sea on their way to Europe.

Europe is changing its tune on Eritrea because it wants to roll back the numbers of Eritreanmigrants who board unseaworthy vessels to cross the Mediterranean Sea, scholars and activists fear.

The European Union is considering boosting its aid to Eritrea to fund infrastructure projects and help job creation with the hope that employed youths will cease to embark on the treacherous trek across the Sahara Desert  – typically via Sudan, Egypt and Libya – before embarking on Italian-bound boats.

This is a departure from EU policy, analysts note.

In recent years EU aid had, on the contrary, been on the downswing. Of the 12 million euros allocated under the 10th European Development Fund, only 54 million euros were spent in the past six years – primarily in agriculture and food security.

The EU launched last year the Khartoum Process, formerly known as the EU-Horn of Africa Migration Route Initiative, to discuss trafficking of Horn of Africa migrants with Eritrea and other African nations.

Frederica Mogherini, EU High Representative on Foreign and Security Policy, said in a November 2014 statement that participants had to tackle “the root causes of irregular migration: poverty, conflicts, lack of resources”, without referring to the Eritrean regime’s rights record.

“The EU is making moves to bring a rogue state like Eritrea into the international fold, which is commendable,” said London-based British-Eritrean activist and scientist Noel Joseph. “But it has to be linked to clear changes on the ground.”

Activists like Joseph argue that Brussels should use a carrot-and-stick approach.

“The EU approach should be to say ‘OK, we will engage with you [but] you have to change x, y and z’,” said Joseph in a phone interview.

There are fears that European nations will also make it more difficult for Eritrean asylum-seekers to obtain refugee status in Europe.

The United Kingdom has published new guidelines on Eritrean asylum-seekers.

If they are enforced, it will no longer be sufficient for Eritreans who reach the UK to make a refugee claim based on their fear of persecution under the “National Service”, Eritrea’s open-ended military service, that has until now been described as degrading and inhuman.

“It seems that the sole purpose of the Home Office Guidelines is to stem this flow disregarding the consequences on those who desperately need protection against persecution— forced labour — accompanied with severe punishment regimes,” wrote Gaim Kibreab, a London South Bank University professor in an op-ed piece in, a pro-opposition website.

The Home Office Guidelines for Eritrean Asylum-Seekers appear to have come under the influence of a controversial Danish Immigration Service Report that casts recent developments in Asmara in a positive light, citing it 48 times.

“They reported that there was evidence to believe that the indefinite character [of the National Service] was changed but we don’t have that evidence from independent sources,” observes Mirjam Van Reisen, an Amsterdam Univesity College political scientist.

The Danish document has been so controversial that Copenhagen has backpedaled on its decision to base its own immigration policy guidelines on it, according to Danish media reports.

“The criticism has led Danish authorities to no longer use the report as basis for policy,” according to Van Reisen.

Scholars have joined Eritrean activists and former diplomats to call on Brussels to shun Asmara until President Issaias Afeworki allows UN investigators to enter the country.

A three-member UN Commission of Inquiry has been barred from traveling to Eritrea to carry out its work.

In a damning report to the UN Human Rights Council in mid-March, commission head Michael Smith said the Eritrean regime uses extra-judicial executions, enforced disappearances and incommunicado detentions to silence critics.

Afeworki, he noted, uses “pervasive state control and ruthless repression,” which has led to a massive exodus from Eritrea, the second largest source of migrants risking their lives to cross the Mediterranean.

The UN investigators were able to establish the situation on the ground through oral and written testimony from more than 500 Eritreans in exile.

The Eritrean representative to Geneva, Tesfamicael Gerahtu, rejected commission findings.

“There is no gross and systematic violation of human rights in Eritrea,” he said.

Asmara has often blamed is neighbour Ethiopia and the “no war, no peace” situation that has followed the war as justification for its failure to implement the 1997 constitution, which provides for democratic government and fundamental rights.

The European Commission’s Humanitarian Aid and Crisis Management unit declined a request for an interview.


African Asylum-Seekers in Israel: Crying for Justice at the Passover Seder by Rabbi Dr. Shmuly Yanklowitz 1 day ago

When the ancient Israelites left Egypt, they were attacked during their long trek to the Promised Land. This has been the story of the Jewish nation for millennia: responding to persecutions and expulsions, which led to the unprecedented existential threat in the twentieth century, culminating with the creation of modern Israel as a refuge. The world, all too often, was silent. For us, with the fortitude to stand up for the commandments of justice, we dare not emulate the shameful example when Jews were refugees on our own doorstep. If there is one thing that Israel must get right, it is to serve as a global model for handling vulnerable, at-risk refugees. This Pesach, our hearts must be opened to the living haggadah.

Today, more than forty five thousand asylum-seekers from Africa in Israel have been marginalized, imprisoned, and informed of their approaching deportation. Some have left voluntarily since they don’t want to be held in prison indefinitely. Many had fled for their lives: from genocide in Darfur, from ethnic cleansing in the Nuba Mountains, from slavery in Eritrea, and from extreme poverty and crushing political oppression. While worldwide, 60 to 80 percent of refugees from Sudan and Eritrea gain refugee status, in Israel the number is far less with only about 1 percent (in 2011: 1 in nearly 5,000) being given refugee status.

This week, the Israeli government announced it is “planning to forcibly deport Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers to ‘third countries.’ Those who refuse to leave will be jailed in Saharonim prison for an indefinite amount of time.” Specifically, according to Israel’s Interior Ministry, asylum seekers from Sudan and Eritrea will have thirty days to leave Israel for a developing country that is not their home of origin (Rwanda or Uganda, probably), after which they will be subject to indefinite detention. There is no assurance that these asylum seekers will be granted refugee status in these countries either (each has its own violent political past) or that their safety is indeed guaranteed.

This policy appears to contradict the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) 1951 Convention, of which Israel is a signatory nation. The document gives refugees certain rights, such as “the right not to be expelled” except in rare cases, such as criminal activity or if the refugee reflects a threat to the host state; the right “not to be punished for illegal entry,” and the right to “housing,” “education,” and “public relief and assistance.” The Convention indicates further that all refugees have the right to due process to appeal their case.

The hostility toward Sudanese and Eritrean asylum seekers remains strong. Unfortunately, the 1954 Prevention of Infiltration law,amended in 2012, has been used to stain all asylum seekers as “infiltrators.” Regrettably, the Israeli law does not discriminate between an infiltrator and an asylum-seeker. There are political leaders who have seized upon this and not only ignored the problem, but shamed the vulnerable populations. MK Miri Regev, of Likud, referred to these asylum seekers as “a cancer in our body”; this incendiary rhetoric led to a riot against asylum-seekers in the summer of 2012.

Many have opposed this hostile approach, from individuals, NGOs, and members of the government. Indeed, Israel’s High Court of Justice has twice struck down laws authorizing the indefinite detention of asylum seekers and ordered the closure of the Holot detention facility. The Knesset, nevertheless, responded before the recent elections by authorizing the detention of refugees for up to twenty months.

We are asking that their claims be processed and assessed, rather than deport them to their more-than-possible deaths. Israel cannot and will not merely absorb all those seeking asylum. The borders are now secure (only about 20 people came through last year) but those who entered already must responsibly be protected and put through the international law process.
And this is where the Haggadah can be a light for Jews to consider the plight of these vulnerable people, who only seek the liberty to go about their lives in peace. If we let our encounters with the traditional Passover story ring hollow, then it leaves us empty in a wash of nostalgia that doesn’t agitate us in the present. The rabbis taught:

For the greatest joy is to bring happiness to the hearts of the poor, the orphans, the widows, and the strangers. For one who brings happiness to the hearts of these unfortunate individuals resembles the Divine Presence, as it says, “[God] revives the spirit of the lowly and the brokenhearted” [Is. S7:15] (Sukkah 49b).

To feel the full joy of Passover, indeed to actualize the ethos of the festival, we must commit to making our voices heard. In this way, the dignity of asylum-seekers in our land must be honored. For once we were refugees and that legacy is engrained in our national psyche to this day. It is only appropriate then, that our duty is to shepherd the ailing peoples of the world, leading them towards equity, fairness, and love. These asylum-seekers are part of our holy story. Will we have the spiritual sensitivity at the seder to hear them crying out from our haggadah?
Rabbi Dr. Shmuly Yanklowitz is the Executive Director of the Valley Beit Midrash, the Founder & President of Uri L’Tzedek, the Founder and CEO of The Shamayim V’Aretz Institute and the author of seven books on Jewish ethics.  Newsweek named Rav Shmuly one of the top 50 rabbis in America.”

Human Rights Groups Reports of Eritrea Are Misleading: Italian Journalist Admin 3:26 PM


Asmarinos walking around Mai Jah Jah neighborhood
Eritrea, The Ides of March

By Marilena Dolce

From a media and political point of view, March has been an eventful month for Eritrea.

The second week ended with the video report by Yalda Hakim for BBC Africa, whose images have shown a realistic image of the country, with its people being proud for positive things, for the goals achieved, for good healthcare.

Comments, however, have outlined a different situation, a country, in which one is habitually silenced.

In Asmara, with the BBC crew no bystander “37 out of 37″ stopped in the central Harnet Avenue wanted to speak, they say, during the report.
This leads to the conclusion that the regime is shutting people up.

This could be the case.

I personally have a different opinion: people did not have trust in the use that would have been made of their words by the BBC, fearing the possible twisting of facts and thoughts.

Eritreans, in fact, speak to everyone, even to “white” journalists.

It happened to me once at a market stall in Taulud, that a group of women let me photograph them, so long as I would not report that food was lacking. They did not want me to say that people in Eritrea died of starvation, because, they explained, it is not true.

If Yalda Hakim had not been from the BBC, no minder would have stopped her meeting at least one Eritrean telling her that the country does not work, spelling out that national service is nothing but “a poisoned doughnut”, the very reason why young people move abroad, sometimes legally, sometimes through the desert.

And here we come to the real point: why do young people move out of the country?

The Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights, which gathered in Geneva on 16th March has given some answers.

Its chairman Mark Smith, presenting the results of the inquiry made abroad, not in Eritrea, after hearing 400 asylum seekers, many experts, the representatives of many governmental a non-governmental agencies, said that young people flee for they «have no hope for their future», as they are forced to work underpaid for an indefinite length of time for the national service. They also escape from the lack of freedom of expression, to join a political party, to profess their religion.

The number of Eritreans abandoning their country is little less than that Syrians fleeing from war.

In the country there is no «rule of law» explains Mark Smith.

And worse: the government uses the “no peace no war” situation as an «pretext» to create a «legal limbo» and allow the absence of rights, starting from human rights. «Detention is an ordinary fact of life, experienced by an inordinate number of individuals, men and women, old and young, including children» where they die forgotten by all, sometimes in containers, like those the BBC documentary has shown at the “tanks cemetery”.

In this appalling scenario nothing is lacking, «the guards used to try to have sexual activity with women».

The author of the report has not been to Eritrea, has not spoken to anyone living there, because the government did not allow the Human Rights Commission to inspect the country, as it did not believe in the good faith of the premises.

Without interpreters, obviously super partes, it may have been difficult for the Commission to understand even the language of witnesses, to distinguish Tigrinya from Amharic, to tell whether who is speaking is Eritrean or Ethiopian.

Because, if is true on the one hand that Eritreans seek better fortune abroad, hoping to obtain a stay permit, we must stress that they are not the only ones. Also Ethiopians apply for permits and subsidies, knowing that they may be able to get them more easily by pretending to be Eritreans fleeing from a “giant prison”, quoting Human Rights Watch.

From Africa, which is a country with great potential, people continue to emigrate.

Many young people do not have time to wait for a better future, they are not encouraged by average growth rates, which are higher than those of the BRICS Countries, but hope, instead, to find their “promised land” abroad, where they can live prosperously, without wars and precariousness.

But why do more Eritreans than other Africans want to leave Africa and their own country?

Apart from the motives listed by the Geneva Commission, there are others which have been received last October by the DIS (Danish Immigration Service), when they heard in Eritrea some western witnesses about the internal situation and emigration.

An Embassy said that «99% of all Eritrean asylum seekers in Europe are economic refugees», that is they leave their country because they want to live better, and United Nations agency has stressed that «hardly anyone leaves Eritrea for politics reasons».

But if “asylum seekers” did declare to be migrants looking for a job nobody would let them in, because in order to be admitted they would need a job. So a vicious circle ensues, where asylum seekers in order not to be rejected, and in order not to become a “an illegal immigrant” will declare to have fled on political grounds, as opposed economic grounds, as their country, without wars is considered as a sort of “Africa’s North Korea” by the West.

But why does Eritrea, a country free of corruption, with the capacity to «invest a little and get a lot», as Christine Umutoni, head of the UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) in Asmara, has declared on more than one occasion, have a painful economy? Why can Eritrea not offer work to young people and let them live as they would like to?

The main reason is that the country has lost the right to peace since 2002.

The Algiers Agreements, which should have ended a formally boundary conflict (1998-2000) and which had established that the contended area around Badme was Eritrean, have been ignored by Ethiopia which, however, has not been imposed by the international community to accept the «final and binding» verdict.

In 2005 the UN, which had beaten about the bush with regards to the behaviour of Ethiopia, took a stand and issued sanctions against Asmara, which had asked the withdrawal of UN soldiers from the buffer zone between Eritrea and Ethiopia, as the agreement was worth nothing by then.

Apart from the boundary dispute, by observing the complex political events, it would seem as though it was not easy for Ethiopia to accept Eritrea’s independence, whose social, political and economic separation might cause Ethiopia to lose its difficult internal, ethnic and political stability.

As opposed to Ethiopia, Eritrea has strengthened a profound national feeling during its thirty years of fight for independence, succeeding in causing different ethnic, religious and language groups, to converge by uniting them against centrifugal forces, which could have shattered the country.

Tolerance toward every religion, in fact, is a central aspect of Eritrean social life.

It is impossible to imagine that a young person flees the country because his Muslim faith is not accepted, it is easier to encounter him at one of his Christian friend’s wedding.

In Eritrea there is no state religion and this fundamental secularity allows everyone to profess their own religion, as long as it does not clash with others.

With regards to international alliances, if from 1993 to 1998 the United States had remained in the background, watching Eritrea with interest, a country which had recently become independent, in 2002 in spite of Ethiopia’s volte-face about the Algiers Agreements, they decided to support Ethiopia and its policy in the Horn of Africa.

This is the reason why, in spite of achieving important Millennium Developments Goals in the fields of healthcare, education, and gender equality, the economy is stagnant, burdened by sanctions imposed in 2009 and in 2011 by the UN with the never proven accusation of helping Al Shabaab, the Somali fundamentalist organisation.

Eritrea, attacked on human rights grounds, has been accused for its national service, which has been recently reduced back to 18 months’ duration.

Many times over have Eritreans explained the motive and two-fold function, military and civilian, of national service.

Surely in 1993 it was a fundamental tool to re-start the country; however, nowadays, it is admitted by many that it absorbs too much time and work, making citizens unhappy, citizens who, on the other hand, have had the chance to study for free and for longer than their fathers and grandfathers. And who are without doubt more free.

Paradoxically, seen from an outside point of view, the young Eritreans who are today leaving their country are the best result of independence. Born after 1991, healthier, taller, better educated, they would like to have wealth and the western way of life in their home country, at least in formality.

But what does the state do? First it prepares those, which you would have once called the “future ruling classes”, then expels them, killing them or sending them to die in the desert or at sea?

I believe that only someone who has never been to Eritrea could think that, in a geographically small and very much united country it may be possible to kill sons and grandsons, leaving them to die in metal containers or underground prisons, without a reaction.

I still remember the taxi driver, who told me, while he was driving me to the “tanks cemetery”, about his daughter, who had entered Sawa that year – he was sorry that she did not want to see neither him or his wife at weekends, because she did not want to feel different from the other girls, whose parents could not visit. So he had found a solution, convincing her that if they brought food not only for her, but also for her friends it would have been a good thing to do. And had finished by saying, smilingly, that his wife spent the week cooking happily.

Back to rights, women’s rights this time, on 20th March in New York, on the occasion of a UN side event during the 59th Session of the Commission on the status of women in Eritrea, the spokesmen have praised the Eritrea’s Achievements on Gender Equality, thanks to the significant presence of the National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW) in the Eritrean society.

It has been said that the direction taken by the country is the right one, because there will be ever more women taking part in its political life.

Eritrea, therefore, in spite of an objective “no peace no war” situation ought to show more often, also to the press, the good results it has achieved in many fields. The press would report in its own way, what it would see or would like to see, regretting that it did not have permission, as in almost any other country in the world, to visit prisons and barracks.

In this way, however, it would be more difficult even for Ethiopian newspapers to make up false news, such as that of 22nd March about air raids against mines or other military targets. News, which has been in truth almost ignored altogether by international newspapers and which was furnished with questions even in the most embedded ones.

The attitude of Ethiopian media was different, who, in Amharic, have talked emphatically about victory against enemy targets.

A media battle hushed by a brief press release by Nevsun, the Canadian company holding 60% of the shares of the mine in Bisha, whereas the remainder are managed by the Eritrean National Mining, an Eritrean State company.

In this press release the company states to have been subject to an «act of vandalism», which has not caused significant damage to people and things, adding that they would increase surveillance and that the site, stopped for another maintenance problem, would resume operations by the end of March.

So the month of March now approaching its end, will take away false news and attacks against a country, which allegedly does not respect rights.

However, at the eleventh hour, precisely on the 31st March a pro-Eritrea cycle race will start from Sweden, which will deliver a letter in Geneva, at the UN headquarters, asking once more that the international community make Ethiopia respect what was decided by the Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Committee (EEBC) thirteen years ago. Twenty-five cyclists will ride for 1700 kilometres to assert Eritrea’s right to the recognition of boundaries, a forgotten right, and a huge gap in the report by the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights.

Read more:

ብመዲካል ቦርድ ኣብ ወጻኢ ክሕከሙ ዝተፈቕደሎም 85 ናይ ወሊድ ጸገም ዘለዎም ሰብ ኪዳን ብምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳይያስ ተኣጊዶም ከምዘለዉ ተፈሊጡ። By assenna on April 2, 2015


ኣብ ኣስመራ ‘ኦሮታ ሪፈራል ሆስፒታል’ ዝርከቡ ብ ‘መዲካል ቦርድ’ ኣብ ወጻኢ ክሕከሙ ከምዘለዎም ዝተኣምነሎም ናይ ወሊድ ጸገም ዘለዎም 85 መጻምድትን ሰብ ኪዳንን፣ ንወጻኢ ከይዶም ከይሕከሙ ብሚኒስተር ጥዕና ስርዓት ኢሳይያስ ኣምና ኑርሕሸን ተኣጊዶም ከምዘለዉ ምንጭታት ኣሰና ሓቢሮም።

እቶም ንልዕሊ ሓደ ዓመት ፍቓድ ተኸልኪሎም ዘለዉ ናይ ውላድ ጸገም ዘለዎም ዜጋታት፣ ብሚንስትሪ ምክልኻል ተፈቒዱሎም፣ ብዓቢኡ ድማ ከም ብዓል ዶክተር ዓብዱ፣ ዶክተር ትብለጽ፣ ዶክተር ክብርኣብ፣ ዶክተር ተስፋስላሰ ዝኣመሰሉ ሰብ ሞያ ሓካይም ማህጸንን ወሊድን ጸገሞም ተኣሚኑሉ ክንሱ፣ ሚንስተር ጥዕና ኢሳይያስ ኣምና ኑር ሕሸን ስለዘይኣመነቶም እዮም ሰንፈላል ኮይኖም ግዚኦም ዘባኽኑ ዘለዉ።

ይኹንምበር፣ ናይ ውላድ ድሌትን ሕክምናዊ ኣገልግሎትን መሰረታዊ ሰብኣዊ መሰል ዜጋታት ‘ኳ እንተኾን፣ እቶም ሞያዊ ውሳኒኦም በቲ ስርዓት ዝተነጽገ ላዕለዎት ዶክተራት ‘ውን በቲ ርህራሀ ዘይብሉ ስጉምቲ ናይቲ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ተማእዚዞም ስቕ ኢሎም ስርሖም ይቕጽሉ ኣለዉ።

«زي النهارده».. هيلاسيلاسي إمبراطورًا على إثيوبيا 2 أبريل 1930

ونجحت إثيوبيا في خلق حزب موال لها في إريتريا سنة ١٩٤٦ عُرف باسم حزب الاتحاد مع إثيوبيا كانت قاعدته من المسيحيين وناهض المسلمون هذا الحزب وأسسوا حزب الرابطة الإسلامية الإريترية وحددوا أهدافه بالاستقلال التام وشهدت تلك الفترة صراعات سياسية حادة، نشأت خلالها عدة أحزاب لها ارتباطات خارجية، تبنى بعضها سياسة الاغتيالات مثل حزب الاتحاد مع إثيوبيا.>>>>

‘ z today ‘.. Haile selassie emperor to ethiopia, April 1930, 2
and i have succeeded ethiopia in creating party funds in eritrea year 1946 know on behalf of the union with Ethiopia was his base of christians and muslims against this party over the party aiwefa Islamic terrorist the eritrean they set objectives of independence and witnessed that period political conflicts sharp, established through several parties have connections external, some of the policy assassinations such as the union with ethiopia.>>>>
Automatically Translated

'‎«زي النهارده».. هيلاسيلاسي إمبراطورًا على إثيوبيا 2 أبريل 1930
ونجحت إثيوبيا في خلق حزب موال لها في إريتريا سنة ١٩٤٦ عُرف باسم حزب الاتحاد مع إثيوبيا كانت قاعدته من المسيحيين وناهض المسلمون هذا الحزب وأسسوا حزب الرابطة الإسلامية الإريترية وحددوا أهدافه بالاستقلال التام وشهدت تلك الفترة صراعات سياسية حادة، نشأت خلالها عدة أحزاب لها ارتباطات خارجية، تبنى بعضها سياسة الاغتيالات مثل حزب الاتحاد مع إثيوبيا.>>>>‎'

Statement of the democratic alliance the liitto About the situation in the region posted by Awna

يان صادر عن التحالف الديمقراطي الارتري
حول الاوضاع في المنطقة

تشهد منطقة القرن الإفريقي وتحديداً اليمن الشقيق أحداثاً متصارعة وصلت إلى عمليات عاصفة الحزم التي تقود فيها المملكة العربية السعودية تحالفاً للتصدي لمجاميع الحوثيين التي عاثت في اليمن فساداً وسطت على مقاليد السلطة في اليمن دون أي تفويض شرعي بدعم وإسناد من إيران التي تسعى لفرض هيمنتها على بوابة البحر الأحمر الجنوبية والتحكم في مدخل باب المندب الاستراتيجي.

وقد سبق للتحالف الديمقراطي الارتري كمظلة جامعة لقوى المعارضة السياسية ان نبه في وقت مبكر ومناسب كل القوى ذات المصلحة في استقرار المنطقة إلى الدور التخريبي الذي يمارسه النظام الدكتاتوري في ارتريا عبر احتضانه للمليشيات المسلحة وفتح الأراضي الارترية لإقامة معسكرات تدريب بمختلف المستويات وتقديم الدعم اللوجستي لها للقيام بعمليات مسلحة ضد مواطنيها وأرضها ، وكنا على يقين تام بأن هذه الأدوار ستفضي الى خلق فوضى ودمار وتخريب في تلك البلاد وتعرض أمنها واستقرارها للفوضى والاضطراب . وكنا نؤشر منذ فترة أن إيران ولحساباتها الخاصة تبذل الأموال وتضع الخطط لتثبيت منصات تشكل رأس حربها تمكنها من اختراق أسيجة العديد من دول المنطقة منها اليمن والسودان والصومال وجيبوتي ، وقد أفردنا تصريحات سواء عبر التحالف او أعضائه من قيادة الفصائل الارترية وضحت الدور التخريبي والخطير للنظام الارتري في الدعم اللوجستي للحوثيين الذين كانوا ينطلقون من معسكرات معلومة لدينا بدقة وما كانوا يتلقونه من تدريبات عسكرية متطورة على ايدي ضباط إيرانيين ، هذا فضلاً عن ان إيران قد استخدمت المراسي الارترية والشاطئ الارتري لنقل المعدات والمؤن الى الحوثيين عبر تنسيق متكامل وواسع مع عصابات وضباط النظام الدكتاتوري في اسمرا .

إن ما شهده اليمن الشقيق قبل إطلاق عمليات عاصفة الحزم قد وضع الجميع إزاء صورة واضحة المعالم بضرورة اجتثاث الأزمات من جذورها وملاحقتها قبل ان تستفحل ، لتخفيف أية إضرار يمكن ان تلحق بالمدنيين الأبرياء من اية حرب واسعة في المنطقة. ونحن تعتقد ان عاصفة الحزم والموقف السعودي الشجاع قد انطلق في الوقت الحاسم واختار المسار الذي يحقق الأمن والسلام لليمن بعد اجتثاث أذيال العصابات المسلحة من مدنه ، ولكننا كذلك نؤكد وننبه بجدية الى ان النظام الدكتاتوري يمثل رأس الافعي لكثير من العمليات التخريبية وأنه متمرس في أساليب إنعاش ودعم العصابات عبر شبكات أخطبوطية نسقها مع أطراف خارج المنطقة ، ولهذا نتطلع ان تلتفت كل الدول التي يهمها امن المنطقة واستقرارها بجدية للتعاون البناء والواسع مع قوى المعارضة الوطنية الارترية وهي القادرة على مواجهة النظام وضرب معاقل قوته وتعطيل دوره التخريبي داخل البلاد وخارجها.

المكتب السياسي
للتحالف الديمقراطي الارتري

See the horn of africa and specifically yemen brotherly events conflicting arrived in operations cubestorm beam that lead the kingdom of Saudi Arabia alliance to increase the houthis which also destroyed in yemen corrupt and i fell on power in Yemen without any delegation ersways b Support and attributability from Iran that seek to impose its hegemonistic at the gate red sea south and control at the entrance door the mandeb strait saicm.

it has already been alliance democratic the see how hanthala university of the opposition political forces to dazzle in early and appropriate all the powers of interest in the stability to the spoiler on the part of the dictatorship in eritrea through embrace it for armed militias and land the xnainte for training camps with various mstwyat and logistical support for operations against armed citizen yha, land, and we were quite sure that these roles will lead to create chaos and destruction and vandalism in this country and security and stability of chaos and disorder. and we support evil a while ago that Iran and saboia its own make money and put plans to stabilize the platforms are head free by enabling them to penetrate. many of the region including yemen, sudan, somalia, Djibouti , has not alone by whether via the alliance or members of leadership factions the xnainte explained the spoiler and dangerous system the liitto logistical support of who departs from camps information we have scrupulously and they received from training Advanced military on my officers iranians, this as well as to Iran had used anchors the xnainte and beach the trey would not transport equipment and supplies to the houthis through the coordination integrated wwa happy with gangs officers of the dictatorship in asmara.

What in Yemen brotherly prior to release of cubestorm beam has put everyone at the picture clear need to eradicate the crises of roots and prosecute before deepening, to alleviate any damage can on civilians Innocent of any war wide in the region. and we think cubestorm beam and position saudi brave may clacktiel. in crucial time chose the path that would bring security and peace of Yemen after the eradication of tailed armed gangs of it, but we also affirm and we seriously to of the dictatorship is Head snake to many processes subversive and that experienced in methods of recovery and support gangs in networks tentacles coordinated with parties outside the area, so look forward to turn all states that their security and stability of our region seriously Constructive cooperation and broad with the opposition forces national archaeological xnainte and is able to face the system and hit strongholds counterweighted and disrupt epweb spoiler within and outside the country.

King Salman goes swiftly to war, but will find it hard to end it

SAUDI ARABIA’S recently enthroned King Salman pulled off a striking diplomatic coup last month when he gathered a ten-country coalition of Sunni states to bomb the upstart Shia rebels in Yemen known as Houthis. Even Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, rivals in regional politics, put aside their differences to confront a perceived Iranian proxy. Egypt sent planes and ships. Countries as far apart as Morocco and Pakistan pledged help, too.

Saudi Arabia is usually shy about speaking loudly and taking part in military action. Its uncharacteristic assertiveness may be a sign of the influence of the new king’s son and defence minister, Muhammad, who is in his 30s. Sunni states no doubt want to draw a line against further encroachment by Iran, which exerts strong influence in Iraq, Syria and Lebanon. But Saudi Arabia, which treats the Arabian peninsula as its backyard, is particularly sensitive about trouble in Yemen.

Saudi Arabia has long relied on America for its own security. Its army has many weaknesses. “The military has some excellent niche capabilities, but it doesn’t yet reflect the country’s massive defence budget,” says Emile Hokayem of the International Institute for Strategic Studies, a British-based think-tank. During its latest foray into Yemen, in 2009, the Saudi army achieved a draw at best against the Houthis, then confined to their northern stronghold. A leaked American cable called Saudi strikes “imprecise”.

On March 30th an air strike hit a camp for displaced people in northern Yemen, killing at least 29. A day later, a bomb hit a dairy factory near Hodeida, killing 23. The Saudis have not admitted to any mistakes.

Saudi Arabia and its allies have bombed airfields, arms dumps and missile launchers in the hands of the remnant of the Yemeni army loyal to the former president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, who has allied himself with the Houthis (see article). Ships are blockading Yemeni ports to stop arms deliveries. But the Houthis still appear to be advancing. “Bombing from the air is unlikely to do much more than inflict pinprick damage,” says Kristian Coates Ulrichsen of Rice University in Texas.

A land intervention is a different matter. The Houthis are renowned as fearsome fighters. And any ground force might also have to contend with al-Qaeda and other jihadist groups that have expanded amid Yemen’s chaos. Who else would offer ground forces? Egypt, which has a large army, still remembers Yemen as its “Vietnam” from the days it fought there in the 1960s. Pakistan is reluctant to be drawn into a war when it is fighting its own militants, the Taliban; it also fears exacerbating its own Shia-Sunni troubles.

Ultimately Yemen will have to be pacified by a political agreement. King Salman seems bent on reinstalling Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi, the internationally backed president and, it is said, on excluding the Houthis. Saudi imams are said to be under orders to denounce them as “enemies of Islam”. The trouble is that Yemen’s Zaydis represent only about 40% of its population, so the Houthis will be hard to exclude. Mr Hadi, moreover, is discredited among many Yemenis, and has fled the country. As America has discovered in recent years, ending a war is harder than starting it. Saudi Arabia’s enemies would not be sorry to see it bogged down: Iranian comments on social media already talk of Yemen being the “Saudis’ Afghanistan”.