ኣድላይነትን ኣገዳስነትን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት -by ብያሲን ዑመር

associations

ኣድላይነትን ኣገዳስነትን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት

ድሚ ብዛዕባ ኣድላይነትን ኣገዳስነትን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት (civic societies) ምግንዛብና፡ ኣብ ዝዀነ ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት መሰል ምቛም ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡ ብሃገራዊ ቅዋም ዝተሓለወ ዘይገሃስ ህዝባዊ መሰል (civil right) ምዃኑ ክንረቊሕ ግቡእን ጠቓምን ኢዩ።

ኣብ ኲለን ደሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ዝተኸላ ሃገራት፡ መሰል ምቛም ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ኣብ ሃገራዊ ቅዋመን ብንጹር ተነጺሩ ዝሰፈረሉ ምኽንያት፡ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ብባህረን ደሞክራሲያዊ መትከላት ከይገሃስን ከይጠሓስን ንምክልኻልን ንምውሓስን ዘገልግላ ኣድማዕቲ ማሕበራዊ ውድባት (social organizations) ስለ ዝዀና ኢዩ። ኣብ ዝዀነ ሕብረተሰብ ደሞክራሲ ዝሰፍን፡ እቲ ብመትከል ደሞክራሲ ዝኣምን ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፊ ኣብ ናጻን ፍትሓውን ሃገራዊ ምርጫ ንተወዳደርቱ ኣሰኒፉ መንግስታዊ ስልጣን ብምሓዝ፡ ደሞራሲያዊ ስርዓት ክተክል ብምብቅዑ ጥራይ ኣይኰነን። ምትካል ደሞራሲያዊ ስርዓት፡ ደሞክራሲ ንምስፋን መንገዲ ዝጸርግ ቅድመ-ኩነት ይኹን ድኣ’ምበር፡  እተን ንመትከላት ደሞክራሲ እናተኸላኸላ ዝዕቅበኦን ንሓፋሽ ህዝቢ እናነቓቕሓ ኣብ ግብሪ ዘውዕለኦን ሃገራውያን ውድባት፡ እተን ንመሳላት ህዝቢ ንምጥባቕን ማሕበራዊ ኣገልግሎት ንምሃብን ዝቖማ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ኢየን። ኣብ ውሽጢ ሓደ  ሕብረተሰብ፡ ደሞክራሲ ኣብ ግብሪ ዝውዕልን ከም ባህሊ ዝሰርጽን፡ ብዕሊ ብመንግስታዊ ደረጃ ብምእዋጁ ጥራይ  ዘይኰነ፡  እንታይ ድኣ ፥  ሰፊሕ ተቐባልነት ረኺቡ ብዘይ ገለ ዕንቅፋት ምስ ዝሰርሕ ኢዩ። ብዘይ እተን “ኣርካናት ደሞራሲ (pillars of democracy)” ተባሂለን ዝጽዋዓ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ከኣ ፡ ደሞክራሲ ሰፊሕ ተቐባልነት ረኺቡ ኣብ ግብሪ ብስሉጥነት (efficiently) ክውዕል ኰነ ብርግጽነት (assertainly) ክሰርሕ ከቶ ዝሕሰብ ኣይኰነን።

ኣብዚ መርትዖ ምቕራብ ዘየድልዮ ርዱእ ሓቂ ተመርኲስካ ክድምደም ከም ዝከኣል፡  ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት  ብዘየማትእ ደሞክራሲ ንምስፋን  ዘገልግላ ኣዝየን ኣድለይቲ ህዝባዊ ውድባት ኢየን።

ይኹን’ምበር፡  ክብርን መዓላን ናይ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡ ደሞክራሲ ንምስፋን ዘገልግላ ኣድለይቲ ኣርካናት ኢየን ብምባል ጥራይ ዝሕጸር ኣይኰነን።  ልዕልን ቅድምን ኲሉ፡ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ከም ኣድልየነቱ ብማሕበረሰብ (community) ደረጃ ቆይመን፡ ንኣባላተን ዝተፈላለየ ማሕበራዊ ኣገልግሎት ዘወፍያ ኣዝየን ኣገደስቲ ህዝባዊ ትካላት ኢየን። እቲ ኣብ ሕቝፊ ሃገር ዝርከብ ማሕበረሰብ ይኹን፡ እቲ ኣብ ስደት ተዓቚቡ ዝነብር ማሕበረሰብ፡ ንፍሉይ ድልየታት ኣባላቱ ብዕግበት ዘማልኣ ማሕበራዊ ውድባት ምስ ዘቕውም ብዙሕ ረብሓታት’ዩ ዝጕንጸፍ። ንኣብነት፡ ነቲ ኣብ ስደት ተዓቚቡ ዝነበር ማሕበረሰብ ኤርትራውያን ምስ ንወስድ፡ እዚ ማሕበርሰብ’ዚ፡ ነቲ ካብ ናይ ከባቢኡ ሕብረተሰብን መንግስትን ክረኽቦ ዘይክእል ፍሉይ ባህላውን መንፈሳውን ማሕበራውን ኣገልግሎታት ክረክብ ዝኽእልን ዘስተማቕርን፡ ናይ ገዛእ-ርእሱ ፍሉይ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ምስ ዘቚውም ጥራይ  ኢዩ።  ኣብ ዝዀነት ሃገር ዝርከብ ናይ ኤርትራውያን ማሕበረሰብ፡ ፍሉይነት ናይቲ ዝነብረሉ ዘሎ ሕብረተሰብ ብዘየገድስ፡ ሰብኣውን ደሞክራሲያውን መሰላት ኣባላቱ ምስ ዝገሃስ፡ ወኪልን ዋልታን ኰይኑ ኣብ ክንደኦም ብትሪ ክጣበቕ ዓቕሚ ዝሕልዎ፡ ከምኡ’ውን  መሰላቶም ምስ ዘይሕሎ  ጸግዕን ተሓላቕን ኰይኑ ብተገዳስነት ንክኽበር ክጠልብ ዝኽእል፡ ብሕጊ ዝተፈልጣን ብዕሊ ዝሰርሓን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ምስ ዝውንን ጥራይ ኢዩ።

ስለዚ፡ ኣብ ኲለን ደሞራሲያዊ ስርዓት ዝተኸላ ሃገራት ዝርከባ ማሕበርሰባት ኤርትራውያን፡ ምቛም ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ብወግዒ ብመንግስታዊ ደረጃ ዝፍለጥን  ዝኽበርን  ዘይገሃስ ህዝባዊ መሰል ስለ ዝዀነ፡  ብመንግስቲ ዝተመዝግባ ሕጋውያን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ካብ ምምስራት ሰገጥ ኰነ ስኽፍ ዘብል ነገር የብለንን።  ይኹን’ምበር፡ እቲ ዘቚመኦ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ዕዉት ስራሓት ከሳልጥ፡ ካብ እግሪ ተኽሊ ኣትሒዙ ካብ ዝዀነ  ግዳማዊ ተጽዕኖ ናጻ  ክኸውን ጥራይ ዘይኰነ፡ ብግሉጽነትን ብተሓታተነትን ዝመልኦ ደሞክራሲያዊ ኣገባብ ክመሓደርን ክሰርሕን ኣሎዎ። እንተዘይኰነ፡ ማሕበረሰባት ኤርትራውያን  ከምቲ ናይ ትማሊ፡ ሎሚ እውን ውድባዊ ናጽነተን ብጣልቃን ተጽዕኖን ግዳማዊ ሓይልታት (መንግስቲ ኤርትራን ተቓወምቲ ውድባትን) ክቕንጠጥን ክምንዛዕን ስለ ዝኽእል፡ ወነንትን ተጠቐምትን ናይ ገዛእ-ርእሰን ትካላት ከይኰና፡ ተዘሪፈንን ተወጺዐንን ተዓብሊለንን ክተርፋ ይኽእላ ኢየን። ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ዝቖማ፡ ባህላዊ ትልሂት ንምቕራብ፣ናይ ገንዘብ ወፈያ ንምክያድ፣ ወይ ከኣ መንግስታዊ ወይ ሰልፋዊ መድረ ንምእንጋድ ጥራይ ኣይኰናን።  ብዓቢኡን ብቐንዱን፥ ንማሕበረሰበን ማሕበራዊ ኣገልግሎት ንምውፋይ፣ ንመሰላቱ ንምጥባቕ፣ ንባህልታቱ ንምዕቃብ፣ ንእምነታቱ ንምኽባር፣ ረዲኤት ንምልጋስ፣ ንቕሓት ክብ ንምባል፣ ንሓድሕድካ ንምትሕግጋዝ፣ ኣስተምህሮታት ንምሃብ፣ ከምኡ’ውን ሓበሬታት ንምስናቕ ኢዩ።

ጽቡቕ ኣጋጣሚ ኰይኑ፡ ኣብ እዋን ሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ ዝቖማን ክሳብ ሕጂ ከይፈረሳ ዝጸንሓን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ዝውንና ማሕበረሰባት ኤርትራውያን እንተልየን፡ ካብ ጣልቃን ተጽዕኖን መንግስቲ ኤርትራን ተቓወምቲ ውድባትን ሓራ ኰይነን ምእንቲ ክስስና፡ ብሜላን ልቦናን ክሕብሓባ ይግባእ። ሕማቕ ኣጋጣሚ ኰይኑ፡ እንተ ፈሪሰን ወይ ከኣ እንተ ማህሚነን፡ ከም ብሓድሽ ኣጕለዕሊዐን ዘይህነጻሉን ዘይሕደሳሉን ኣብነት የለን። ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ኤርትራውያን፡ ካብ ናይ ካልኦት ዜጋታት ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ብዘይፍለ፡ ብቐዳምነት ንፍሉይ ድልየታት ኣባላተን ንምርዋይ ዝነጥፋ ህዝባዊ ውድባት ድኣ’ምበር፡ ንመስግስቲ ኤርትራ ኰነ ንተቓወምቲ ውድባት ዘገልግላ ናይ ፖለቲካ መሳርሒክዀና የብለንን። ከም ርእሰን ዝኸኣላ ህዝባዊ ውድባት መጠን፡ ካብ ዝዀነ ዓይነት ተጽዕኖን ጣልቃን ናጻ ኰይነን ክዋስኣ ዝግበአን፡ በቲ ዝመስረተን ማሕበረሰብ ዝውነናን ዝመሓደራን፡ ንረብሓታቱ ኣቐዲመን ዝሰርሓን ዝከላኸላን፡  ናጻ ህላወ ዘሎወን ህዝባዊ ውድባት ብምዃነን ድኣ’ምበር፡ ካልእ ስዉር ምስጢር ስለ ዘሎወን ኣይኰነን። እዚ ክውንነት’ዚ፡ ንነብስወከፍ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር ይኹን ኣብ ስደት ዘሎ ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ዋሕ ኢዩ ክበርሃሉ ኣሎዎ።

ዝዀነ-ዀይኑ፡ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ከም ርእሰን ዝኸኣላ ጥራይ ዘይኰነ፡ ከም ናጻ ህዝባዊ ትካላት መጠን፡ ብዛዕባ ዝዀነ ሃገራዊ ጒዳይ ንጹር መርገጽ ክህልወን መሰለን ዝተሓለወ’ኳ እንተዀነ፡ ናይ ፖለቲካ ሰልፍታት ስለ ዘይኰና ናይ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ኰነ ናይ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት መተፋነንን መመልመልን መድረኽ ኰይነን ከገልግላ ግቡእን ቅኑዕን ኣይኰነን። ተሓታትነተንን ኣገልግሎተንን፡ ብቐንዱን ብዓቢኡን ነቲ ዝምሰረተን ናይቲ ዘሎዎኦ ከባቢ ማሕበረሰብ ስለ ዝዀነ፡ ወትሩ ናይዞም ዝተረቚሑ ወገናት (መንግስቲ ኤርትራን ተቓወምቲ ውድባትን) ምእንቲ ጅሆ ከይኰና ፡ ንዝዀነ ንውድባዊ ናጽነተንን  ቀጻልነት ህላወአን ዝጻረር ግዳማዊ ጣልቃን  ዕብለላን ተጻብኦን፡ ብትኲርናን ትብዓትን ክምክተኦ ኣሎወን። ወግሐ-ጸብሐ፡ መንግስቲ ኤርትራን ተቓወምቲ ውድባትን፡ ኣብ ውሽጠን ሰሊኾም ንረብሓኦም ዘገልግሉ ሰለይትን ልኡኻትን ብምጥራይ፡ ናታቶም ጅሆ ክገብርወን ካብ ምፍትታን ዓዲ ስለ ዘይውዕሉ፡ ኣብ ዝዀነ እዋንን ኩነታትን ናጽነተን ከይምንዛዕን ሕንፍሽፍሽ ከይኣትወንን ሰለም ከብላ ኰነ ህምል ክብላ የብለንን።

እተን ቅድሚ ሕጂ፡  ኣብ እዋን ሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ ዝቖማ ገዳይም ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ይዂና፡ እተን ሕጂ፡ ብሓድሽ መንፈስ ተበጊሰን ክቖማ ወይ ከኣ ክሕደሳ ዝህቅና ዘሎዋ ዕሸላት ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡ ንጥፈታተንን ዕማማተንን ብኣድማዕነትን ስሉጥነትን (effectively and efficiently) ከሰላስላ እንተዀይነን፡  መታን ካብ  ዝሓለፈ ጕድለታት ክመሃራን ክልብማን፡ ነቲ  ኣብ እዋን ሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ ዝተደለበ ሃብታም ታሪኽ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ነበር፡ ንድሕሪት ተመልሰን ክድህስሰኦን ክምርምሮኦን  ኣሎወን። እተን ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር ኣብ ድሕሪ ጸላኢ፡ ኣብ ስደት ድማ ኣብ ዝተፈላለያ ሃገራት፡ ዝቖማ ናይ ትማሊ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡ ብዘይጥርጥር ሓርነታዊ ቃልስና ናብ ዓወት ንኽበጽሕ ዘኽኣላ ኣዝየን ሓያላት ህዝባዊ ውድባት ኢየን ኔረን። እዘን ህዝባዊ ውድባት እዚኣተን፡ እተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት (ህ.ግ.ሕ.ኤን ተ.ሓ.ኤን) ኣብ ውሽጠን ሰሊዀን ቀስብቐስ ይወንነአንን ይዓብልለአንን ድኣ’ምበር፡ ፈለማ ክቖማ እንከሎዋ ናጽነተን ዝዓቀባን ብገዛእ-ርእሰን ዝሓድራን ናጻ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ኢየን ኔረን።

ነዚ ኲነት’ዚ ብዝምልከት፡ ንኹሉ በዚ ጕዳይ’ዚ ዝግደስን ዝስህርን ሃገራዊ ዜጋ ብንጹር ክመሓላለፍ ዘሎዎ መልእኽቲ ወይ ልቦና እንተሎ፥

“እዘን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት እዚኣተን፡ ኣብ ዝዀነ ግዜን ኩነታታን ንወርቃዊ ናጽነተን ዓቀበን ክጐዓዛ ዝግበአን ክነሰን፡ ብዓንቶብኡ ማለት ቅድሚ ምጕጻፍ ናጽነት፡ ብንጹህ ግርህናን ክቱር እምነትን፡ ውድባዊ ናጽነተን ኣሕሊፈን ነተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት ብምሃብ፡ “ናይ ሓፋሽ ውድባት” ዝብል ዘብልጭልጭ ስም ተጠሚቐን ሓይልን ጽልዋን ዘይብለን መሳርሒ ናይተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት ኰይነን ምትራፈን ኢዩ”። ንኣብነት፡ እተን ብኣድማዕነተንን ጥርናፈአንን ብሉጻትን ህቡባትን ዝነበራ፡ “ኤርትራውያን ንናጽነት ኣብ ሰሜን ኣመሪካን” “ኤርትራውያን ንናጽነት ኣብ ኤውሮጳን” ብዝብል ኣስማት ዝጽዋዓ ዝነበራ ክልተ ሓያላት ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡ ከም ናጻ ህላወ ዘሎወን ህዝባዊ ውድባት መጠን፡ ክንዲ  ውድባዊ ናጽነተን ዓቂበን ዝጐዓዛ፡ ኣርሒቐን ንመጻኢ ዕድላተን ከይጠመታን ኣዚረን ከይረኣያን፡  ብየዋህ ሃገራውነት ልበን ተደፊነንን ብክቱር እምነት ዓይነን ዓዊረንን  “ናይ ሓፋሽ ውድባት” ዝብል መጠበሪ ኣስማት ለቢሰን ብገዛእ ፍቓደን ውድባዊ ናጽነተን ቀንጢጠንኦ ኢየን። እዚ ኸኣ፡ ሕጂ ንድሕሪት ምልስ ኢልካ ንሳዕቤኑ ብምምዛን ምስ እትግምግሞ፡ ውጹእ ጌጋ ጥራይ ዘይኰነ፡ ዘይሓዊ በሰላ ዝገደፈ ኣበሳ’ዩ ኔሩ።

እዘን “ናይ ሓፋሽ ውድባት” ዝብል  መጠበሪ ኣስማት ለበሰን ናጽነተን ብገዛእ ፍቓደን ዝቐንጠጣ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡  እናሓደራ ብተጽዕኖን ጣልቃን ናይተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት  ብምምህማን ኣማስያኡ ለሚሰን ከም ዝተርፋ’ዩ ተጌሩ። ድሕሪ ናጽነት ብፍላጥን ተንኮልን ምእንቲ ናይ ደምክራሲ መቃለሲ መድረኽ ኰይነን ከይቅጽላ፡“ኣገልግሎተን ኣብቂዑ’ዩ” ተባሂለን ብኢደ-

ወነናዊ ስጒምቲ “ግዝያዊ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ”፡ ንኣባላተን ከይተወከስካን ብዘይወልታአንን፡ ንኽፈርሳ ብምፍራደን ብሓቂ ዘሕዝን ታርኻዊ ዕጫ’ዩ በጺሕወን። እዘንተጠቒምካ ዝተደርበያ “ናይ ሓፋሽ ውድባት”፡ ናጽነተን ዓቂበን እንተ ዝጸንሓ ኔረን፡ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ንነብሰን ጥራይ ዘይኰነ እንተላይ ንሃገርንን ህዝበንን  መድሕንን መሪሕን ጽላልን ምዀና ኔረን። መብዛሕትአን፡ ኣብ ደሞክራሲያውያን ሃገራት ዝተደኰና ስለ ዝነበራ፡ ናጽነት ዓቂበን ህላወን ከረጋግጻ ብርግጽ ምሉእ ዕድልን ኣኹል ዓቕምን ኔርወን። እንተዀነ፡ እንተ ስኣን ብስለት መራሕተን፡ እንተ ስኣን ንቕሓት ኣባላተን፡ ማዕጾአን ሃህ ኣቢለን ነተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት ስለ ዘርሓዋለን — ብሕልፊ ነታ ገስጋሲት ጸጋማዊት ውድብ’የ ብምባል ትንየት ዝነበረት ዓቢ ተኣምንነትን ተሰማዕነትን ክብርን ደገፍን ኣጥርያ ዝነረት ህ.ግ.ሓ.ኤ. — ናታተን መጋበርያ ኰይነን ኢየን ተሪፈን። እዘን ቀዳሞት ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡ ውዒለን ሓዲረን በተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት ተጠቒዐንን ተጠሊመንን ዝፈረሳን ዝፈሸላን፡ ብዘይገለ ተጕላባን ጕርሕን ብሓያል ሃገራዊ ወኒ ሓኒነን ይጋደላ ብምንባረን ኣይኰናን። እንታይ ድኣ፡ በቲ  ነዊሕ ከይሓከመ ብዓለም ደርጃ ዝፈሸለን ዝተጸየነን ማርክሳዊ ስነ-ሓሳብ ናይተን ውድባት ስለ ዝተበከላን ዝተዓብለኻን ኢዩ። ከም ናጻ ህላወ ዝውንና ህዝባዊ ውድባት መጠን፡ ኣባላተን ብምሉእ ድምጺ ኣብ ውድባዊ ጉባኤ ብዘየጽደቕዎን ዘይረዓምዎን ስነ-ሓሳብ ክብከላ ኰነ ክዕብለኻ ኣይነበረንን። ናይ ፖለቲካ ሰልፍታት ስለ ዘይኰና፡ ብፖለቲካዊ ስነ-ሓሳብ ናይተን ሓርነታውያን  ግንባራት ይትረፍ ክብከላን ክዕብለኻን፡ ክጽለዋን ክትንከፋን  እውን ኣይግባእን’ዩ ኔሩ።

ንምንታይ ዘይግባእ?

በቲ ዝመስረተንን ዝወከለንን ማሕበረሰብ ስለ ዝውነናን ዝምወላን፡ ንመጻኢ ዕድለን  ክውስኑ ምሉእ መሰል ዝነበሮም ወሰንቲ ኣካላት፡ መራሕቲ ናይተን ሓርነታውያን ውድባት ዘይኰኑ፡ እቶም ወግሐ-ጸብሐ ከይተሓለሉ ዘንቀሳቕስወን ዝነበሩ ተራ ኣባላተን ኢዮም። ኲሉ ከም ዝፈልጦ፡ ቅስመት (destiny) ናይተን ህዝባዊ ውድባት ዝተፈርደ፡ ብመሰረታት ኣባላተን ዘይኰነ፡ በቲ መንግስታዊ ስላጣን ከይተወከለን ከይተመርጸን ዝሓዘ፡ ጸኒሑ ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ ዝብል መተዓሻሸዊ ስም ዝተቐብአ  ሰራም ሰልፊ (ናይ ትማሊ ህ.ግ.ሓ.ኤ) ኢዩ። እዚ ተርእዮ’ዚ፡ ኣዝዩ ዘሕዝን ታሪኻዊ ፍጻመ ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃኑ፡  ጸኒሑ ከይድገም ንሓዋሩ ልቢ ክትሰቚረሉ ዝግብኣካ ኣሉታዊ ተሞክሮ ኢዩ።

ብዝዀነ፡ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ናጽነተንን ህላወአንን ኣርጋጊጸን ክጐዓዛ ዝኽእላ፡ ካብ ናይ ዝዀነ ወገን ፖለቲካዊ ስነ-ሓሳብ ናጻ ኰይነን፡ ንዂሎም ሃገራውያን ዜጋታት ብዘይ ናይ ሃይማኖት፡ ብሄር፡ ኣውራጃ፡ ጾታ፡ ከምኡ’ውን ደርቢ ኣድልዎን ሻርነትን፡ ጠርኒፈንን ኣስሚረንን ክሰርሓን ከገልግላን ከቃልሳን ምስ ዝበቕዓ ጥራይ ኢዩ።  ኣብ እዋን ሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ፡ ኲለን  ቀዳሞት ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ብዘይገለ ተረፍ ኣብ ፖለቲካ ክነጥፋ ዝተደረኻ፡  ብዘየማትእ በቲ ሽዑ ኣብ ሃገርና ነጊሱ  ዝነበረ ሕብረተሰባዊ ሃዋህው (ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ) ተደፋፊአን ኢየን። እዚ  ርዱእ’ኳ እንተዀነ፡ ውድባዊ ናጽነተን ቀንጢጠን  “ናይ ሓፋሽ ውድባት”  ዝብል ኣንጸባራቒ ስም ምብሓዝ፡ መሳርሒ ናይተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት ዝዀና፡ ብምሉእ ድልየትን ድምጽን ናይ ኣባላተን  ኣይኰነን። እንታይ ድኣ፡ ብውዲትን መጭወይትን ናቶም ነተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት ወኪሎም ኣብ ውሽጠን ብሕቡእ ክዓዩ ዝተላእኩ ልኡኻት (እሙናት ኣባላት ምስጢራዊ ማርክሳዊ ሰልፍታተን — ናይ ሻዕብያ፡ ኤርትራዊ ህዝባዊ ሰውራዊ ሰልፊ፤ ናይ ጀብሃ ኸኣ፡ ሰልፊ ዕዮ ዝነበሩ)

ኢየን። ድሕሪ ሕጂ ከምዚ ዝኣመሰለ ዘሕዝን ዕጫ ከይበጽሐን፡ ማለት መሊሰን ግዳያት መንግስቲ ኤርትራን ተቓወምቲ ውድባትን ከይኰና፡ ውድባዊ ኣሰራርሓአን ብምጽፋፍን ምትዕርራይን፡ ካብቶም ኣብ ውሽጠን ሰሊኾም ጥዑያት ተመሲሎም ከጥቅኦወንን ክስልይወንን ክዝርግወንን  ዝተላእኩ ልኡኻት፡  ንነብሰን ክዕቅባን ክከላኸላን ክሕርዛን ኣሎወን።

ዝዀነ ሃገራዊ ዜጋ  መን’ዩ ብዘየገድስ፡ ኣባል ናይዘን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ኰይኑ ክዋሳእ ምሉእ መሰል ይሃልዎ ድኣ’ምበር፡ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ናይ ፖለቲካ ሰልፍታት ስለ ዘይኰና፡ ናይ ስነ-ሓሳባዊ እምንቶኡ መዋፈሪ (መዘርግሒ) ማዕከን ጌሩ ክጥቀመለን ቅቡልን ቅንዑን ግቡእን ኣይኰነን። ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ነቲ ዝመሰረተንን ዝምወለንን ማሕበረሰብ ጥራይ ዘይኰነ፡ ብኣውርኡ ንመላእ ህዝበንን ሃገረንን መድሕንን ዋልታን ጽላልን ክዀንኦ ዝኽእላ፡ ብዘይ ዝዀነ ዓይነት ናይ ውሽጥን ግዳምን ተጽዕኖን ውዲትን ሽርሕን፡ ናጽነተን ዓቂበን ክሕጐዓዛ ምስ ዝበቕዓ ጥራይ ኢዩ። ናጽነተን ዓቂበን ክጐዕዛ ዝበቖዓ ኸኣ፡ ኣብ ሓደ ብንጹር ቅዋም ዝተቐየደ ደሞክራሲያዊ ኣገባብ ኣሰራርሓ ተሞርኰሰን ብተሓታትነትን ግሉጽነትን ኣድማዕነትን ቅንዕናን፡ ብፍላይ ንረብሓ ኣባላተንን ውድበንን፡  ብሓፈሻ ኸኣ  ንረብሓ ህዝበንን ሃገርን  ብምቕዳም ምስ ዝሰርሓ ኢዩ። ደሞክራሲያዊ  ኣገባብ ኣሰራርሓ፡ ካብ ዝዀነ ዓይነት ወገናዊ ናይ ብሄርን ኣውራጃን ሃይማኖትን ኣድልዎን ሻርነትን ሓራ ምዃን ጥራይ ዘይኰነ፡  እንተላይ ካብ ዝዀነ ዓይነት ውድባዊ ሓዲሽን እሉኽን (ንኣብነት፥ ናይ ጀብሃን ሻዕብያን፣ ህ.ግ.ደፍን ሰዓብቱን፣ ከምኡ’ውን  ናይ ተቓወምቲ ሃበስቀደስ ቊርቊስን) ስነ-ሓሳባዊ ፖለቲካዊ ዝንባለታትን ማሕለኻታትን ቂምታታትን ህልኻትን ሓራ ምዃን እውን ዘካትት ኢዩ።

ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡ ንገዛእ-ርእሰን ብደሞክራሲያዊ ኣገባብ ከይተመሓደራን ከይሰርሓን፡ ኣብ ሃገርና ኤርትራ ደሞክራዊ ስርዓት ንምትካል እጃመን ከበርክታ ኰነ ናይ ኣባላተንን መላእ ህዝበንን ደገፍን ተሰማዕነትን ተቐባልነትን ክረኽባ ዘይሕለም ኢዩ። ቅድሚ ጽልወአን ኣብ መላእ ህዝብና ምሕዳረን፡ ብቐዳምነት  ንኣባላተን ክኸስብኦም ስለ ዘሎወን፡  ዝዓበየ ሃገራዊ ዕማም ክዓማ ቅድሚ ምምጥጣረን፡ ንናይ ኣባላተን ፍሉይ ማሕበረሰባዊ ጠለባት ብዘይገለ ጐደሎ ከማልኣ ኣሎወን። ኣባልተን ምእንቲ ብምሉእ ልቢ ክተሓባበርወን ፡ ክሰብከኦምን ክጐሳጒሰኦምን  ጥራይ ዘይኰነ፡ ብኣውርኡ ንማሕበረሰቦም ዝምልከት ፍሉይ ማሕበራዊ ኣገልግሎታት ብምሃብ ከገልግሎኦምን ክጠቕመኦምን ኣሎወን። መወልትን  ወነንትን  ናይተን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡ እቶም ኣባላት ናይ ማሕበረሰበን  ስለ ዝዀኑ፡ እቶም ብቐጥታን ቅድሚ ኹሉን  ብማሕበራዊ ኣገልግሎተን ክረብሑን ክጥቀሙን ዘሎዎም ንሳቶም ኢዮም። በዚ ምኽንያት’ዚ፡ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ኰነ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ብማዕዶ ኰይነን ክዝውረአንን ክመልከአንን ግቡእን ቅኑዕን ፍትሕን ስለ ዘይኰነ፡ ንድሕነት ኣባላተንን ውድባዊ ናጽነተንን ቀጻልነት ህላወአንን ክብላ፡ ብዘይንሕስያ ከይተሓለላ   ክምክትኦም ይግባእ።

ብዝዀነ መምዘኒ ይመዘን፡  እቲ ናይ ብሓቂ ዋናን ጐይታን  ናይ  ሃገርና መሬታዊ ግዝኣትን መንግስታዊ ስልጣንን ሃገራዊ ሃብትን ህዝባዊ ትካላትን (ህዝባዊ ማሕበራትን ውድባትን)፡ ወትሩ እቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገርን ወጻእን ዝርከብ ሓፋሽ ህዝብና ኢዩ።  ክንዲ ዝዀነ፡ እተን መንግስታዊ ስልጣን ዝሓዛ ኰነ ዘይሓዛ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታት፡ ንዕድል ሃገርን ህዝብን ኰነ ንቅስመት ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ክውስናን ክፈርዳን ዲል ክዋሃባ የብለንን። ኣብ ዝዀነ እዋንን ኩነታትን፡ ብዝዀነ ሰበብን ጣቋን ኣብ ብሕታዊ ጒዳያት ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ብሑቡእ ይኹን ብስቱር፡ ብውሽጢ

ይኹን ብግዳም ኢደን ክመልሳ  ክፍቀደን ፈጺሙ የብሉን። ምኽንያቱ፡ ፖለቲካዊ ስልፍታት፡ ስልጣን ይሓዛ ኣይሓዛ፡ ከምተን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራትን ውድባትን ንህዝቢ ከገልግላ ዝቖማ እምበር ብህዝቢ ክግልገላ ዝቖማ ኣይኰናን። ብድልየት ህዝቢ ተማእዚዘን ዝኸዳ ምእዙዛት እምበር ንህዝቢ ክመልካ ዝተምዘዛ  መለኽቲ ኣይኰናን። ከምኡ’ውን ብህዝቢ ክፍረዳ ዝግበአን ኣገልገልቲ እምበር ንህዝቢ ዝፈርዳ ተገልገልቲ ኣይኰናን። ብግቡእ ደንብን ስርዓትን፡ ህዝበን ዘይኰነ ብዓማጺ ተግባራተን እናተሰራጠየ ክሸቚረር ዝግብኦ፡ ብኣንጻሩ ንሳተን ኢየን ንተረግታ ልቢ ህዝበን እናተኸታተላ ክሽቚረራ ዝግባእ። እዚ ሓቂ’ዚ፡ ኣብ ምስፋን ደሞራሲ ዕዙዝ ግደ ዘሎዎ ኲነት ስለ ዝዀነ፡  ንዂሉ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገርን ኣብ ወጻእን ዘሎ ዜጋ ጒልሕ ኢሉን ኲልዕ ኢሉን ክበርሃሉ ኣሎዎ።

ንምንታይ?

ምኽንያቱ፥ ኣብ መጸውዒ ስም ሰልፍኻ “ደሞክራሲ” ትብል ጥዕምትን ተባሃጊትን ቃል ብምልቃብካ፡ “ደሞክራሲያዊ” ኣይተኸውንን ኢኻ። ወርትግ ደሞራሲያዊ እትኸውን፡ ብትርኢትካ ዘይኰነ ብተግባራትካ ኢዩ —  ከመይሲ፥ ተግባራት ዘየዳሉን ዘየሻሩን፣ ዘየግድዕን ዘይጠልምን፣ ከምኡ’ውን ዘይስረዝን ዘይብረዝን ሓቀኛ ፈራዲ ስለ ዝዀነ።

ኣቐዲሙ ከም ዝተጠቕሰ፡ ብርግጽ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ኣብ ምዕዋት ሓርነታዊ ቃልስና ክትክሕዶ ኰነ ክትሃድመሉ ዘይትኽእል ዓቢ ኣገዳሲ ግደ እየን ኣበርኪተን።  ታሪኽ ሓርነታዊ ቃልስና ከም ዝምስክሮ፡ ሃገርና ካብ ዓቕማ ንላዕሊ ንዝዀነ ባዕዳዊ ሓይሊ ብዘይ ግዳማዊ ደገፍን ዝርያ ርእሰ-ሓያላንን፡ ኣብ ውሱንን ድሩትን ዓቕሚ ህዝብና ተመርኰሳ ክትዕወት ማለት ናጽነታ ክትጐናጸፍ ዝኸኣለት፡ ብሳላ’ቲ ኣብተን “ናይ ሓፋሽ ውድባት” ተሰምየን ኣብ ጐኒ እተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት ዝቃለሳ ዝንበራ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ተጠርኒፉ ዝነጥፍ ዝነበረ ህዝብና ኢዩ።    ከምቲ ናይ ትማሊ፡ ሕጂ’ውን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡  እንተ ንዓቕሚ ሓፋሽ ህዝብና ብግቡእ ጠርኒፈን ኣበራቢረንኦ፡ ዓጋቲ ዘይብሉ ነቕ ዘይብል  ነገራዊ ሓይሊ ከተንስኣ ይኽእላ ኢየን። እዚ ተርእዮ’ዚ፡  ኣብ እዋን ሓርነታዊ ቃልስና ብግብሪ  ዝተረጋገጸ ተወሳኺ መርትዖ ዘየድልዮ ታሪኻዊ ሓቂ ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃኑ፡ እተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት ኣጸቢቐን ዝፈልጠኦን ክሳብ ዝደልዋን ርእሰን ዘልዕላን፡ ዝዓንገለን ዘይነጽፍ ምንጪ ህላወአንን ዓወተንን ኢዩ።

ይኹን’ምበር፡  ድሕሪ ናጽነት እቲ መንግስታዊ ስልጣን ብዓመጽ ከይተመርጸን ከይተወከለን ብምሓዝ፡ ክሳብ ሕጂ ብብድዐ ዝገዝእ ዘሎ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይሊ፡ ማለት ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ. (ናይ ትማል ህ.ግ.ሓ.ኤ)፡ ተቐዳዲሙ ነተን  “ናይ ሓፍሽ ውድባት” እናበለ ዝጃሃረለን ዝነበረ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡ ድንብርጽ ከይበሎ “ኣገልግሎተን ኣብቂዐን እየን” ብዝብል ኣጉል ምስምስ ከፍርሰን ዝተሃንደደ፡ ብዘይንርእዮ ካብ ቅድሚ ዓይንና ዝተኸወለ ምኽንያት ኣይኰነን። እንታይ ድኣ፡ ኣቐዲሙ ወስ ከም ዝተባህለን ዝጐልሐን፡ ኣብቲ ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ንምትካል ዝሰላሰል ቃልሲ ናይ መቃለሲ መድረኽ  ወይ ባይታ ኰይነን ንኸየገግላ ስግኣት ስለ ዝሓደሮን ስለ ዘይኣመነንን ኢዩ። ዝዀነ ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ንምትካል ዝሰላሰል ቃልሲ፡ ብዘይ ናይ መቃለሲ መድረኽ  ወይ ባይታ ክዕወት ስለ ዘይክእል፡ ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ወጻእን ዝርከብ ሓፋሽ ህዝብና፡ “ዓወት ንሓፋሽ!” ብዝብል ባዶ ጭርሖ  ተሓባቢሉ ከይተጠበረ፥ “ንምንታይ እተን  ኣብ ምዕዋት ናጽነት ዓቢ እጃም ዘበርከታ

“ናይ ሓፋሽ ውድባት” ሓርነት ህዝቢ ከይተረጋገጸ፡ ኣባላተን ተገሪሆምን ተሃሚሎምን እንከሎዉ ተጓይኻ ከም ዝፈርሳ   ተጌረን?” ዝብል ኣዋጣሪ ግን ርትዓዊ ሕቶ ከልዕል ኣሎዎ።  ኣብ ዳህሰስኡ፡ ብዘይውልውል መልሲ ናይቲ ዘልዓሎ ርትዓዊ ሕቶ፥

“እቲ ነተን “ናይ ሓፋሽ ውድባት” ንምፍራስ ዝተወስደ ህንዱድ ስጕምቲ፡ ንሕቶ ቅዋማዊ ደሞክራሲ ከም ዘየገድስን ግዜኡ ዘይኣኸለን ንኡስን ህንጡይን ሕቶ ኣምሲልካ ብምውጋንን ምውንዛፍን፡ ውልቀ-ምልካዊ መንግስቲ ንምቛም ዘቀላጥፍ  ጥጡሕ መንገዲ  ንምጽራግ ተባሂሉ ኰነ ኢልካ ዝተገብረ ” ምንባሩ ቊልጭ ኢሉ ክበርሃሉ ኢዩ።

በዘ መስረት’ዚ  እምበርከስ፡ ኣቐዲሙ ከም ዝተደርጕሐ እቲ ኣብ ኣዋን ሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ንወርቃዊ ውድባዊ ናጽነተን ቀንጢጠን ናይተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት “ናይ ሓፋሽ ውድባት” ንክዀና ዝውሰድኦ ስጒምቲ ግጉይ ስጒምቲ‘ዩ ኔሩ።  እተን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት፡  ውድባዊ ናጽነተን ሰዊአን ናብ “ናይ ሓፋሽ ውድባት” ናይተን ወደብተን ሓርነታውያን ግንባራት ምስ ተለወጣ፡ ብኡንብኡ ነቲ ዝነበረን ድምጽን ሓይልን ጽልዋን ከሲረንኦ ኢየን።  ኣሉታዊ ስምብራት ናይዚ ግጉይ ጕምትቲ’ዚ፡  ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣይሃሰሰን ዘሎ። ኣሉታዊ ስምብራቱ ክሳብ ሕጀ ከም ዘይሃሰሰ፡  በቲ  ድሕሪ ናጽነት ዝተኸሰተ መርኣያታት ምዝሕታል ህዝባዊ ተሳተፎ ኣብ መስርሕ ደሞክራሲያዊ ቃልሲ ክግለጽ ይከኣል ኢዩ። ንሱ ድማ፥ ንምቕልቃልን ምስዕራርን ከም  ቅብጸት ተስፋ፣ ወገናዊ ዝምባለታት፣ ምጕጅፋል ሰልፍታት፣ ምልሕላሕ ሓድነት፣ ኣንፈት ምጥፋእ፣ ንሓድሕድካ ምጥልላም፣ ጥቕምኻ ምቕዳም፣ ተሳተፎኻ ምድስካል፣ ብሃበስቀደስ ምክሳስ፣ ከምኡ’ውን ዓገብ እናረኣኻ ምጽቃጥ ዝኣመስሉ ሓደስቲ  ቅንጣብ  ገድላዊ፡ ሃገራዊ፡ ሰብኣዊ፡ ሞራላዊ  ወይ ከኣ ደሞርክራሲያዊ መንፍስ  ዘይብሎም  ተርእዮታት  ዘጠቓልል ኢዩ።

ድሕሪ ናጽነት፡ እቲ መንስታዊ ስልጣን ብዓመጽ ጎቢጡ ዝሓዘ ውልቀ-ምልካዊ ስርዓት ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ፡ ንመላእ ሃብቲ ሃገር ንበይኑ ገቢቱ ምጕሕጓሕ ከይኣኽሎ፡ ንኹለን ተቐናቐንቲ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን ማሕበራዊ ውድባትን፡ ኣብ ምምሕዳር መንግስትን ቊጠባዊ ንጥፈታትን ማሕበራዊ ኣገልግሎታትን ከይሳተፋ ብብድዐ ዝኣገደ.፡  ብዘይ ገለ ተሓታትነትን መኻልፋትን ብማፍያዊ ኣገባብ ኣከያይዳ ንዝገዝእን ክምዝምዝን ክጥዕሞ ኢዩ። እዚ ዘይሕጋዊ ዓማጺ መንግስትን ሰልፍን’ዚ፡ ክሳብ ለይተ-ሎሚ ዓገብ ዝብሎን ዝዓግቶን ስኢኑ፡  ገባርን-ሓድግን  ብምዃን ድላዩ ዝገብር ዘሎ፡ ናይ መብዛሕትኡ ህዝብና ደገፍን ተቐባልነትን ዝረኸበን ዘጥረየን ተቓዋሚ  ኣድማዒ  ማሕበራዊ ውድብ ወይ ከኣ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፊ ክንምስርት ስለ ዘይተዓደልናን ዘይበቓዕናን ኢዩ።  ውልቀ-ምልካዊ ስርዓት ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ. ፡ ኣብዚ ማሕበራዊ ውድባትን ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን ሃገርና፡  ብወገናዊ ዝንባለታትን ብውልቃዊ ጥምሓታትን፡ ተበታቲነን ማህሚነናሉ ዘሎዋ ናይ ደልሃመትን ቅብጸትን ወቕቲ፡ ዕምሪ ስልጣኑ ንምንዋሕ ጥጡሕ ባይታ ረኺቡ፡ ከይተበደሀን ከይተሓተተን፡  ዊን ከም ዝበሎ ብቐጻሊ ንድሕነት ህዝብናን ቀጻልነት ሃገርናን ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘውድቕ ኣዕናዊ ስጒምታት ይወስድ ኣሎ። ሓደ ካብቲ  ዝውሰዶ ዘሎ ኣዕነውቲ ስጒታት ንኣብነት፡ እቲ ብናይ ዶብ ግጭት ኣመኻንዩ  ንተቓውሞ መንእሰያት ንምልማስን ንጉልበቶም ንምምዝማዝን ዝበየኖ ገደብ ግዜ ዘይብሉ “ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት”  ኢዩ። ብሰንክ’ዚ ገደብ ግዜ ዘይብሉ መንግስታዊ ባርነት’ዚ፡ መንእሰያትና ተስፋን መሪሕን ፍታሕን ሓርቢትዎም፡ ናብ ስደት ሃጽ ኢሎም  ብኣሽሓት  ብምውሓዝ፡  ግዳያት ናይተን ኣካላት ሰብ ዝነግዳ ኣረመናውያን ናይ ማፍያ ጒጅለታት ይኹኑን፡ ኣብ ጒዕዞኦም ብኣጻምእ ምድረበዳ ሰሃራን  ላምፐዱዛዊ ሓደጋታት ማእከላይ ባሕርን፡  መዓልቲ -መጸ ብኸንቱ ብጅማላ ይሃልቁ ምህላዎም ንማንም ስዉር ኣይኰነን።

ክንድምድሞ፡ ኣድልይነትን ኣገዳስነትን ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ብሰፍሑ ንምብራህ ብርክት ዝበሉ ተደርብቲ  ደገፍቲ ነጥብታት ንምቕራብ  ዝከኣል እኳ እንተዀነ፡ እቶም  ቀንዲ ነጥብታት ኣብዞም ዝስዕቡ ርእሰ-ሓሳባት ዝተኣርነቡ ኢዮም ፦

  •  ቀዳማይ ፡ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት ቀጻልነት ህላወን ከርጋግጻ፡ ብቐዳምነት ካብ ግዳማዊ ተጽዕኖን ጽልዋን ጣልቃን ናጻ ኰይነን ወትሩ ውድባዊ  ናጽነተን  ዓቂበን ክጐዓዛ ኣሎወን፣
  •  ካልኣይ፡ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት  ብኣድማዕነት ዕማማተን  ብዓወትን ኣሳልጦን ከቃንዓ፡ ብግልጹነትን ተሓታትነትን ዝመልኦ ደሞርክራሲያዊ ኣገባብ ክመሓደራን ክሰርሓን ኣሎወን፣
  •  ሳልሳይ፡ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት  ናይ ኣባላተንን ናይ መላእ ህዝብን ደገፍን ተቐባልነትን ተሰማዕነትን ከጥራያን ክኸስባን፡ ካብ ዝዀነ ዓይነት ወገናዊ ዝንባለታትን እሉኽ ቅርሕንታትን ሓራ ክዀና ኣሎወን፣
  •  ራብዓይ፡ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት  ምእንቲ  ብመንግስታዊ  ስልጣን ዝሓዘን ዘይሓዘን ፖለቲካዊ  ሰልፊ  ዘይውነንን  ዘይምለኽን  ናጻ  ውድብ  ከቚማ ፡ መሰለን  ብሃገራዊ ቅዋም ዝተሓለወ  ክኸውን ኣሎዎ፣
  •  ሓምሻይ፡  ህዝባዊ  ማሕበራት ቀንዲ  ግቡአን  ንኣብላተን ማሕበራዊ ኣገልግሎት ምሃብ ስለ ዝዀነ፡ ካብ ዕላማኣን ወጺአን ኣብ ኣሰሓሓብን ኣቀያያምን ፖለትካዊ ጒዳያት ብምጥሓል፡ ንሓድነት ኣባለተን ከላሕልሐኦ የብለንን፣
  • ሻድሻይ፡  ህዝባዊ  ማሕበራት ምእንቲ ናይ ኣባላተን ተሳተፎ ከዕዝዛን ብዝሒ ሰዓብተን ከሰስናን፡  ብዝያዳን ፈለማን  ንፍሉይ ድልየታቶም ከማልኣን ንባህግታቶም ከዕግባን ኣሎወን፣ ከምኡ’ውን
  •  ሻውዓይ፡ ህዝባዊ ማሕበራት  ምእንቲ  ንኲሉ ሃገራዊ ዜጋ  ኣብ  ሓደ  ጠጥርኒፈን  ከቃልሳ፡ ካብ ዝዀነ ዓይነት ድሑር ወገናዊ ኣድልዎን ሻርነትን ዝንባለታትን ሕዱር  ገድላዊ ቅርሕንትታትን ውልቃዊ ዓብላሊ ጥምሓታትን ሓራ ክዀና ኣሎወን።

ብያሲን ዑመር (yassinomer01@gmail.com)

 

The Isolated Regime of the Pariah State of Eritrea-by Tsehaye Debalkew

 

The friendless regime of Isaias Afwerki today stands in stark comparison with its neighbors It is the regime’s malign meddling in its neighbors’ affairs, not its ruinous domestic record, that has incurred most countries’ opprobrium.

Asmara stands accused of backing the al-Qaida-affiliated Islamist militants of al-Shabaab in Somalia, supporting insurgent groups in Djibouti, Uganda and Sudan, and giving safe haven to Ethiopian terrorist groups

Isaias Afwerki is a piece of work, as Americans say. Cables sent from the US embassy in Eritrea’s capital, Asmara, described the country Isaias has run with an iron fist since referendum as a basket case:

“Young Eritreans are fleeing their country in droves, the economy is in a death spiral, Eritrea’s prisons are overflowing, and the country’s unhinged dictator remains cruel”.

The  UN monitoring group on Somalia and Eritrea concluded that Eritrea, serves as a platform for foreign armed groups that represent a grave and increasingly urgent threat to peace and security in the Horn and East Africa region.

Asmara’s continuing relationship with al-Shabaab appears designed to legitimize and embolden the group rather than to curb its extremist orientation or encourage its participation in a political process since this is not the intention of the seclude state of Eritrea.
Moreover, Eritrean involvement in Somalia reflects a broader pattern of intelligence and special operations activity, including training, financial and logistical support to armed opposition groups in Djibouti, Ethiopia, the Sudan.”

The report added that, Eritrea’s support for groups such as al-Shabaab is indisputably symptomatic, of the systematic subversion of the government of Eritrea and party institutions by a relatively small number of political, military and intelligence officials, who instead choose to conduct the affairs of state via informal and often illicit mechanisms, including people smuggling, arms trafficking, money-laundering and extortion.

“Such irregular financial practices, combined with direct financial contributions from ruling party supporters and some foreign states … help to explain how a country as poor as Eritrea manages to sustain support for a variety of armed opposition groups across the region.

From 2011 onwards, Eritrea’s newly emerging mining sector – especially gold –has become the country’s principal source of hard currency .in addition to tax money it illegally and forcibly levy Eritreans abroad irrespective of their citizenship

.An African Union summit has recently effected a new round of UN sanctions on Eritrea, agreed by the security council in December, that included new constraints on international mining companies.

Recent reports suggest its al-Shabaab allies in Somalia, under pressure from Kenyan and Ethiopian forces in the south, are shifting their operations northwards into semi-autonomous Puntland while mounting terror attacks in Nairobi and seeking links with like-minded elements in Yemen, Sudan and South Sudan which is yet a proof that Eritrea is fuelling a spreading regional war.

We have no deal with Iran: Eritrean president -by GULF News

Eritrean president, in an exclusive interview, says refusal to obey is cause for US anger

  • Isaias Afwerki
    Isaias Afwerki is known for his tenacity, bravery and leadership.Image Credit: Gulf News
  • Isaias Afwerki
    Gulf News correspondent Abdul Nabi Shaheen with Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki in Massawa.Image Credit: Gulf News

This was before the US headed to Djibouti to use it as a headquarters of the central command of the Western forces in the Horn of Africa.

In an exclusive interview with Gulf News in the port city of Massawa, President Afewerki said that Washington also asked him about 2002 or 2003 to deploy Eritrean officers to work under the central command in Djibouti but his country rejected the request.

The President categorically denied that Israel asked for any military or security facilities in his country.

Afewerki scoffed at the sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council on his country, noting that these sanctions were not new and that they had already been applied for more than ten years.

“What is new in these sanctions is that they were only issued officially from the UN Security Council which is run by Washington as it wants,” he said.

 

On the other hand, Afewerki denied the press reports that his country signed an agreement with Tehran under which Iran was awarded an exclusive right to develop an old oil refinery in the Assab area.

Following is the full text of the interview:

Gulf News: What is your strategy to face the repercussions of the Security Council Resolution 1907, which imposes economic and military sanctions, on your government?

Isaias Afewerki: There is nothing new in the international sanctions, except for the fact that they were issued formally in the name of the UN Security Council, which is driven by the United States of America as it will. Arms embargo was imposed on our country more than 10 years ago, specifically since the outbreak of the border crisis with Ethiopia.

We have been prevented from importing spare parts for training aircraft and helicopters that we had already purchased from European countries due pressures from Washington on these countries and on the arms companies.

Even more, when we bought light weapons from Russia three years ago Washington contacted Russia and claimed that they seized the weapons in the Somali capital of Mogadishu, and they told Russia that we gave these weapons to Islamic extremists in Somalia.

Generally, the issue of the arms embargo on our country is not new, but who believes that this can weaken the defence capabilities Eritrea is dreaming. “To every action, there is an equal and opposite reaction.” This is a scientific theory known to those who study chemistry and physics.

Since the era of the administration of former US President Bill Clinton, Washington tried to impose an economic blockade and used every possible way, the latest attempt was to block money transfers of the Eritreans working abroad after they realised that such transfers of hard currency would strengthen the revenues of the state treasury.

They tried to stop these transfers by what I would call the “piracy banks” overseas and in some of our neighbouring countries, but the Eritrean people were able to invent a new means to overcome this hurdle. This enabled the Eritrean expatriates to deliver their money remittances to their families at home.

It was our right as a member of the United Nations to get assistance from the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other international financial institutions, but we are prevented from this by a US decision adopted several years ago. But our people were able to overcome these challenges by relying on their own resources. Despite the drought that hit the Horn of Africa, we were able with God’s help alone to produce enough food.

Has Washington ever asked you to play any role or provide specific military or intelligence facilities, and you refused it, a matter which made the US take a hostile stand against you?

Maybe.

What do you mean by “maybe”?. This question is likely to have only two answers, either yes or no.

Yes, yes, but we totally rejected the idea of foreign camps in the region and refused to use Djibouti land as a location for Western military and intelligence work in the region.

We were asked around the year 2002 or 2003, I do not remember the exact date, to deploy army officers in the Central Command, currently in Djibouti, as part of regional troops from Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda and Djibouti, but Sudan was not invited to this operation.

Why did you refuse to contribute troops to the Central Command in Djibouti as long as it is outside your territory?

If we participated in this operation, we would turn into mere tools in the hands of the Western military command and this is what happened to the countries that participated, especially after the events of September 11, when special units in the name of combating terrorism were established in these countries. These are intelligence units operating under the Central Command in Djibouti.

We said if the required thing is to combat terrorism, it is in our interest to fight it by ourselves, and not by proxy. If there are American or Western aids in this field, there is no objection, provided that the basis of terrorism combating should be African and should be carried out by the countries of the region itself.

You spoke before about the facilities requested by Washington to deploy troops in Djibouti. Has Washington asked you for military or intelligence facilities inside the Eritrean territories?

Yes, there was talk about giving them facilities in the area of Assab. Though this was rejected by us, in principle, but our conviction increased after we consulted independent American and European international experts, who advised us to refuse giving them these facilities.

Ethiopia has given them the region of Debre Zeyit and other locations in the territory of Ogaden under the pretext of conducting joint military exercises and training of peacekeeping forces heading to Darfur.

But I personally, do not think that this rejection is the reason for the American anger against us. It may be a part of a number of other reasons, most notably that the State of Eritrea is not obedient to the Super State.

Mr President – it is certain that Israel has strategic interests in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea. Has it ever courted you as it did with some Arab countries? What did Israel ask you and what is your response?

I tell you quite frankly that Israelis are not stupid and cannot ask any country for military or intelligence facilities, because they have other means that enable them to deal with this region. They have no security or military base in any place in the whole region operating in the daylight.

Why didn’t you announce a clear and formal stance on violation of the territory of Saudi Arabia by Al Houthi rebels in Yemen, despite your good relations with Riyadh?

We cannot be asked to announce this, because there is an agreed principle that any attempt to destabilise the region, whether in Yemen, Saudi Arabia or the Gulf region, is unacceptable. Eritrea is part of the stability of the region and a part of the stability of Saudi Arabia and Yemen, and any attempt to undermine the stability of these two countries affects the security of the Red Sea and the entire region.

But if the announcement was just for showing signs of solidarity, then Saudi Arabia and Yemen know our rejection of this aggression and they were not waiting for confirmation from our side.

Some media reported in 2008 that you signed in September of that year during your visit to Iran a deal with Tehran giving them an exclusive right to develop the old oil laboratories in the city of Assab, but when I visited the refinery two days ago I did not find any maintenance and it is completely abandoned?

[Laughs] We do not have any agreement with Iran to develop the refinery. What was reported in this regard was a part of a wide spread misleading campaign. Thanks to God, you visited the refinery and took photos without finding any such a thing, although we are in 2010 and the misleading media stated that the agreement was signed in 2008 as you said.

There are Gulf, Arab and Western fears from Iranian influence on Bab Al Mandab Strait in the Red Sea through facilities provided by Eritrea, which shares with Iran a hostile stance against the US. Some believe that you can give these facilities just to spite Washington.

Dealing with Iran just to spite America at the expense of the governments and peoples of this region is madness and cannot be done by anyone. I believe that the alleged Iranian bogeyman is one of the mechanisms of the US to intimidate countries in the region to achieve its own agenda. If there is a danger from Iran, or from any other foreign source, Arab countries should cooperate to protect the area from any external risks.

 

US urges citizens to flee Yemen by sea -by AFP

Foreigners carry their suitcases as they arrive at Sanaa International Airport on April 6, 2015 as hundreds of foreigners are evacuated from conflict-hit Yemen
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Foreigners carry their suitcases as they arrive at Sanaa International Airport on April 6, 2015 as hundreds of foreigners are evacuated from conflict-hit Yemen (AFP Photo/Mohammed Huwais)

Washington (AFP) – The United States admitted Monday that it has no immediate plans to rescue its nationals stranded in war-torn Yemen and urged them to flee the raging conflict by sea.

State Department spokeswoman Marie Harf could not tell reporters how many American civilians are thought to be caught up in the conflict, as citizens of other nations take to ships.

But she said US authorities would contact those that it could, and advise them of opportunities to board ships from allied nations docking to pick up their own nationals.

“At this point, we have encouraged all US citizens to shelter and secure locations until they’re able to depart safely. The airports are still closed, is my understanding,” she said.

A protest website representing Yemeni Americans — stuckinyemen.com — has accused Washington of abandoning dual nationals last month in its haste to close its embassy in Yemen.

Asked about a claim that 200 US citizens have signed up to the site, Harf said officials had been unable to confirm the figure and urged them to sign on to a State Department list.

France has evacuated 63 foreign nationals from the Yemeni port of Balhaf and frigates from the Chinese and Indian navies have rescued 450 and 100 people respectively from Hodeida.

ደሃይ ካብ ኤርትራ By assenna on April 5, 2015

werar_ASSENNA_1

ሰገነይቲ

ኣብ ሰገነይቲ ብመሰረት ማስተር ፕላን ብመንገስቲ ኣብ ዝትዓደሉዎ መሬት ገዛ ሰሪሖም ዝውድኡ ዜጋታት ክሸጡዎ ከለዉ ምስ ገዝኣይ ኮይኖም ናብ ቤትፍርዲ ከይዶም ብምፍርራም ከምዝሸጠን ከምዝገዝአን ተወዓዒሎም ሕጊ ከምልብሱዎ ከምዝጸንሑ ይፍለጥ።

ይኹን እምበር እቲ ንሓያለ ዓመታት ነዚ መስርሕ’ዚ ስቕ ኢሉ ክዕዘብ ዝጸንሐ ሽፍታ ስርዓት ግን፣ ክንደይ ዓመትት ተጸብዩ ነቶም ገዛ ዝሸጡን ዝገዝኡን መቕጻዕቲ በይኑሎም ኣሎ።

እቲ መቕጻዕቲ፣ ንኣብነት ብሓደ ሚልዮን ንዝተሰርሐ ወይ ዝተግዝአ ገዛ፣ ብኽንዲ ‘ቲ ዝተሰርሓሉ ወይ ዝተሸጠሉ ዋጋ መቕጻዕቲ ክኸፍሉ ተኣዚዞም ኣለዉ።

ንኣከፋፍላ ብዝምልከት ከኣ፣ ኩሉ ኣብ ሓደ ግዜ ካሽ ክኽፈል ኣለዎ። እንተዘይኮይኑ ግን፣ ን 100 ሽሕ ናቕፋ ኣብ ወርሒ 10 ሽሕ ናቕፋ ወለድ ክትክፍ ትግደድ። እቲ መቕጻዕቲ ሓደ ሚልዮን ናቕፋ እንትደኣ ኮይኑ ‘ሞ ኸኣ ብኡ ንብኡ እንተዘይከፊልካዮ ኣብ ወርሒ 100 ሽሕ ናቕፋ ወለድ ተወሳኺ ዕዳ ኣለካ ማለት እዩ።

ብዓይኒ እቲ ስግንጢራዊ መላኺ ስርዓት እዚ ከም መቕጻዕቲ ምሉእ ዋጋ ክኽፈል ዝእዝዝ መምርሒ ከም ሕድገት ተሓሲቡለይ ያኢ፣ ነቶም ቅድሚ 2 ዓመት ዝሰርሑን ዝገዝኡን ጥራይ ዝምልከት እዩ። እቶም ኣብ ውሽጢ ክልተ ዓመታት ዝሰርሑ ይኾኑ ዝሸጡን ዝገዝኡን ግን ኣባይቶም ብዘይ ሕቶን ርእይቶን ክፈርስ እዩ ትኣዚዙዋም ዘሎ።

በዚ ምኽንያት ህዝቢ ሰገነይቲ ቍንቍኛ ናይቲ መትሓዚ ዘይብሉ ደንጽዩዎ ኣብ ከቢድ ጭንቂ ይርከብ።

ዳዕሮ ቃውሎስ

ኣብ ዳዕሮ ቃውሎስ 400 ሚእቲ ኣባይቲ ድሕሪ ምፍራሱ፣ መራሒ ናይቲ ስርሒት ዕንወት ፍሊጶስ ወልደየውሃንስ፣ ባሕቲ ሚያዝያ ረቡዕ ኣብ ሰዓታት ምሸት ናብ ዳዕሮ ቃውሎስ መጺኡ ነቲ ዝተፈጸመ ዕንወት ተዘዋዊሩ ምስረኣዮ፣ ሕጉስ ከዝነበረ ኣብ ገጹ ይንጸባረቕ ነይሩ። ነቲ ሓደ ሓደ ኣጸቢቑ ዘይፍረሰ ገዛውቲ ጽቡቕ ገይሮም ከፍርሱዎ ከምዘለዎም ከኣ ነቶም ዓጁቦሞ ነበሩ ሓለፍቲ ኣጥቢቑ ሓቢሩዎም።

እቲ ኣባይቱ ክፈርስ ምልክት ክግበረሉ ከሎ ኣብ ቅርዓት ታቦት ኣውጺኡ ዝጸለየ ህዝቢ ዳዕሮ ቃውሎስ፣ ኣብ ቅድሚ ዓይኑ ህንጻታት ክዓኑ ምርኣዩ ድንጽዩዎ “መርገምና እዩ” እናበለ ከስተንትን ቀንዩ።

እተን ናይ ታንክ ሰንሰለት ዘለወን ኣባይቲ ከፍርሳ ዝወዓላ ሽዱሽተ ዶዘራት ካብ ዓሻ ጎልጎል ዝመጽኣ ክኾና ክለዋ፣ ኣባይቲ ኣፍርስ ውዒለን ምስ ወድኣ፣ ናብ ሰላዕዳዕሮ፣ ዓዲ ዃላን ወኪ ድባን ከምዝኸዳ ኣብቲ ስርሒት ዘሰነዩወን ኣባላት ፖሊስ ተዛሪቦም።

More than 300 migrants rescued off Sicily -by Rome AFP

 The Landhelgisgaeslan, an Icelandic navy ship, escorts the Ezadeen, carrying some 500 Syrian would be immigrants, at Corigliano harbour on January 2, 2015 in Italy

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The Landhelgisgaeslan, an Icelandic navy ship, escorts the Ezadeen, carrying some 500 Syrian would be immigrants, at Corigliano harbour on January 2, 2015 in Italy (AFP Photo/Alfonso Di Vincenzo)

Rome (AFP) – Around 318 migrants in distress at sea between Sicily and the coast of Libya were rescued by an Icelandic navy ship taking part in an EU border patrol of the Mediterranean, Italian media reported Saturday.

The ship, the Landhelgisgaeslan, arrived in the evening at the Sicilian port of Pozzallo with the rescued migrants, including 14 children and five pregnant women, who were hospitalised.

Italian police meanwhile have identified eight suspected Tunisian traffickers.

According to the reports, the migrants came from 13 different countries: Sudan, Ghana, Morocco, Mali, Mauritania, Senegal, Pakistan, Nigeria, Syria, Palestine, Eritrea, India and Tunisia.

The conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa, especially in Libya which is a key point of departure, have led to an increase in illegal immigrants seeking to enter Europe.

The number of migrants entering the EU illegally in 2014 nearly tripled to 276,000 people compared to 2013, according to the EU borders agency Frontex, nearly 220,000 of them arriving via the Mediterranean.

The United Nations said at least 3,500 people died last year while crossing the sea, making it the deadliest migrant route in the world.

Ethiopia/Eritrea: Isaias Afwerki and Ethnic Fundamentalism : The Great Illusion Part III

 

 

Isaias Afwerki and Ethnic Fundamentalism

By Worku Aberra

In the previous section I have tried to show how Isaias’ short-term and long-term objectives are incompatible with the struggle for democracy and national unity in Ethiopia. In this section, I will briefly discuss how he uses ethnic fundamentalism to weaken Ethiopia.

The Isaias Model of Destabilizing Ethiopia

To realize the long-term objective of developing Eritrea, as discussed earlier, the EPLF requires a politically enfeebled Ethiopia, in the form of mini states or a dependent client state. To that end it has used a successful formula, as enunciated by Isaias during the interview, comprising the elements “awareness, organization, and action”.

Since the formula has been successfully applied by the EPLF, we can call it the Isaias model of destabilizing Ethiopia. However, for the political formula to be effective, it needs an ideological framework.

Ethnic Fundamentalism as an Ideology

Ideology has been defined as a system of beliefs used to perceive, understand, and interpret the world. Ideology rationalizes, justifies, and sanctions actions taken by individuals and political groups. Isaias boasts that he does not subscribe to any ideology, but prefers a potpourri of values from different ideologies. I guess he wants to portray himself as a non-ideological, pragmatic leader.

His claims notwithstanding, he has been practising authoritarianism, militarism, and what a colleague calls “ethnic fundamentalism”, a blunt instrument used for creating ethnic discord, ethnic hatred, and ethnic conflict in Ethiopia. What is ethnic fundamentalism?

If religious fundamentalism is a strict interpretation of religious text, ethnic fundamentalism is a strict interpretation of history, politics, art, and culture with an ethnic perspective. Just like any ideology, it permeates the social, political, and personal realms. It provides the lens through which everything is seen. Isaias has successfully used ethnic fundamentalism to destabilize Ethiopia.

Element # 1: “Ethnic Awareness”

In a multi-ethnic country like Ethiopia, the heritage, culture, and language of each ethnic group should be respected and promoted, within a united Ethiopia. It is clear that the previous governments have miserably failed in this regard. And it is this failure that ethnic fundamentalists have exploited fully.
At the same time, the economic well-being of all Ethiopians, irrespective of their ethnicity, including the “privileged Amharas” under the previous regimes and the “favoured Tigryans” under the current regime, has suffered.

Ethnic fundamentalism, instead of examining the social, economic, and political problems facing the Ethiopian people systemically, analyzes them ethnically, classifying one ethnic group as the perpetrator and the other ethnic group as the victim. An ethnic group become the oppressor, not the rulers.

This formulation leads to exploiting the basest of human emotions; it drives a wedge between the population, creating a mentality of “us” and “them”. All the “us” is assigned positive traits, all the “them” negative traits.

For an ethnic fundamentalist, the universal problems most Ethiopians face—abject poverty, oppression, and lack of adequate services (health care and education)—become particularized. The problems facing Ethiopians are understood as being ethnic, not systemic. The ethnic framing of economic, social, and political problems invariably results in blaming an entire ethnic group for the problems. In the past, it was the Amharas; today, it is the Tigryans.

There is a natural tendency for humans to gravitate towards one’s ethnic group, towards one’s common ancestry, language, and territory, to exhibit what Anthony Smith, the renowned scholar on nationalism, calls “primordial nationalism”. It is this natural tendency that the EPLF and the TPLF have exploited to the fullest.

This also explains in part why the EPRP failed and the TPLF triumphed.

Ethnicized Propaganda

In the Isaias model, raising “awareness” translates itself into ethnicized propaganda work, the kind of propaganda the EPLF has been utilising since its inception to undercut national unity. Today, the EPLF uses its state-owned media for the same purpose, under the guise of opposing the TPLF-controlled regime. Eritrea’s Ministry of Information broadcasts in Amharic, Afan Oromo, and Somali languages with contradictory messages about national unity. The Amharic program presents news and views from an Ethiopian perspective, but the Oromo and Somali programs spread an anti-Ethiopian, separatist agenda.

A sub-set of “ethnic awareness” comprises an assault on shared history, experience, culture, and value to destroy Ethiopian national identity. (I may explore this later)

Element # 2: Ethnic Organizations

Isaias tells the two interviewers that he is concerned about national unity in Ethiopia. This is an outright falsehood. As stated earlier, Eritrea’s long-term goal of industrialization, the EPLF is persuaded, demands a politically fragmented Ethiopia. To achieve its strategic objective, the EPLF needs ethnic political organizations that fight for the separation.

When asked about his regime creating ethnic groups to fight the regime in Ethiopia, he retorted that, “… we don’t create organizations in Ethiopia”, claiming that the political reality results in the kind of political organizations that have emerged in Ethiopia. This is partly true.

But the political landscape in Ethiopia has been configured to a large extent by what the EPLF has undertaken in Ethiopia over the last 40 years, including its assistance to, if not the direct creation of, so many “liberation fronts” in Ethiopia. Besides, the political situation does not favour the creation of only ethnic organizations.

Last Name: “Liberation Front”

Despite his denial, the EPLF has played a significant role in the proliferation of ethnic political organizations in Ethiopia. The EPLF has been inspirational, instrumental, and influential in the creation of ethnic organizations.

Emulating the nomenclature of liberation fronts that fought against European colonialism in Africa, the EPLF (and later the TPLF) has assisted in the creation of numerous ethnic organizations whose names end with… Liberation Front. You can fill in the name of any ethnic group, and you will have an ethnic organization created in the image of the EPLF. The labelling of ethnic groups as liberation fronts is not accidental; it is a deliberate attempt to portray their struggle is also an anti-colonial struggle in Ethiopia.

Ever since the EPLF trained the fighters, cadres, and leaders of the TPLF, the latter has excelled in applying the Isaias’ model. We can say that the TPLF was the first real convert to the Isaias’ ideology of ethnic fundamentalism, but it has become more catholic than the pope.

Element # 3: Military Action

The third element of the Isaias’ model, as he expounded during the interview, involves military action. Military action does not target just the oppressive apparatus of the regime, but also anyone who challenges the leadership of the ethnic organization, including internal “informants, collaborators, and traitors”. The target may also include the civilian population of the “oppressor” ethnic group.

Ethnic fundamentalism, like religious fundamentalism, treats innocent individuals in the out-group as non-humans whose life is immaterial. This explains the atrocities committed against ordinary Amharas, Oromos, Somalis, Gambellas and other groups over the last 25 years.

Great leaders and small-minded leaders

In politics, to galvanize the population, it is much easier to appeal to ethnic solidarity, ethnic pride, or ethnic injustice—the ethnic fundamentalist approach—than to mobilize the people for the ideals of democracy, freedom, human rights, or civil liberties—the civic approach.

The ethnic fundamentalist approach focuses on a specific ethnic group, the civic approach on all citizens of a country. The first is narrow, biased, and exclusive; the second universal, impartial, and inclusive. The first appeals to individuals as members of an ethnic group, the second as members of humanity.

Great leaders with vision inspire people to unite across ethnic, religious, and regional boundaries for a common cause; small-minded leaders with no vision divide people along ethnic, religious, and regional lines for their political ends.

Great leaders appeal to our better angels; small-minded leaders stoke our worst demons. At this critical juncture of its history, what Ethiopia needs is a great visionary leader.

UN agency demands end to Yarmouk fighting, calls for protection of civilians-by UN News Center

Destruction caused by fighting in Yarmouk, Syria. Photo: UNRWA

5 April 2015 – With fighting near Yarmouk intensifying, the United Nations agency concerned with the well-being of Palestinian refugees today made a strong appeal to all armed actors to cease hostilities that place civilians in acute danger and to withdraw immediately from civilian populated areas.

“Never has the hour been more desperate in the Palestine refugee camp of Yarmouk, in Damascus,” read a press release circulated by the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). “We demand that all parties exercise maximum restraint and abide by their obligations under international law to protect civilians.”

UNRWA called on concerned States to urgently exercise their authority and influence in order to end the fighting in Yarmouk for the sake of civilian lives and to alleviate human suffering. Meanwhile, humanitarian access had to be increased and secure conditions established under which the agency would be able to deliver life-saving humanitarian assistance and civilians could be evacuated.

The agency said that the international community, including UN bodies, should be seized of the “critical situation” without delay and should ensure that all civilians are protected in accordance with the UN charter and international law.

Failure to do so could lead to the gravest and most appalling of consequences for the more than 18,000 civilians who have been trapped in Yarmouk for over two years. Since 1 April, it has been the scene of intense fighting and it is virtually impossible for civilians to leave, as any attempt to move in the open brings high risk.

“The lives of civilians in Yarmouk have never been more profoundly threatened,” said UNRWA’s press release. “Men, women and children – Syrians and Palestinians alike – are cowering in their battered homes in profound fear, desperate for security, food and water, deeply concerned by the grave perils that may yet come, as hostilities continue.”

Among the besieged residents of Yarmouk are 3,500 children, who have been reliant on UNRWA’s irregular distributions of food and other assistance for over a year.

“The level of our aid has been well below the minimum required,” said UNRWA’s statement, which stressed the agency’s readiness to resume assistance to the civilian population as soon as hostilities cease. “Potable water is now unavailable inside Yarmouk and the meager health facilities that existed have been overrun by conflict. The situation is extremely dire and threatens to deteriorate even further.”