ሓንቲ ኤርትራዊት ኣደ ምስ ክልተ ደቀን፡ ኣብ ገዝአን ሞይተን ተረኺበን ካብ ቅድሚ ኣዋርሕ ኣትሒዘን ከምዝሞታ ይሕበር ብ መርበብ ሓበሬታ ናትና።

ዘሕዝን  ዜና 

ኣብዛ ዝሓለፈት ሰሙን፡ ማዕከናት ዜና ነርወይ ሰለስተ ደቀንስትዮ ኣብ ራምሶስ ኦስሎ ኣብ ዝርከብ ገዝአን ሞይተን ከምተረኽባ ገሊጸን።  እተን ዝሞታ፡ ኣደ ጓል 69 ዓመት፡ ዓባይ ጓለን ጓል 35 ዓመት፡ ንእሽቶ ጓለን ድማ ጓል 28 ዓመት ከምዝነበራ ንምፍላጥ ተኻኢሉ ኣሎ። መርበብ ሓበሬታ ናትና ምስዚ ጉዳይ ቅርበት ካብ ዘለዎም ወገናት ካብ ዝረኸበቶ ሓበሬታ፡ እዛ ስድራቤት ኤርትራዊ መበቆል ከምዘለዋ ንምርግጋጽ ተኻኢሉ ኣሎ።

 

ፖሊስ እዚ ኣዝዩ ዘይንቡር ኣማውታ ሰለስተ ነፍሲ ኣብ ሓደ ገዛ፡ እቲ ጠንቂ ምስ ገበን ዝተተሓሓዘ ናይ ምኻን ተኽእሎኡ ትሑት’ዩ ኢሎም ኣለው። እዛ ስድራቤት ድኣ እንታይ ቀተላ፡ ዝብል ዓቢ በዳሂ ሕቶ ማዕከናት ዜና እዛ ሃገር የልዕላ ኣለዋ።

 

ሓንቲ ገነት ኣድሓኖም ዝተባህለት፡ ናይ ቀረባ ቤተሰብ እዛ ስድራቤት ንማዕከን ዜና NRK ኣብ ዝሃበቶ ሓበሬታ ‘’እዛ ስድራ ቤት ምስ ሕብረተሰብ ፍጹም ርክብ ብምቊራጽ፡ ርእሰን ኣግሊለን ከምዝጸንሐ ኣረዲአ። ብዘይካ እዚ NRK ንኻልኦት ቀረብቲ ብዛዕባ እዛ ስድራቤት ኣብ ዝሓተተሉ፡ ‘’ዋላ ማዕጾ ካሕኪሕና እኳ ፈጺመን ኣይከፍታናን እየን’’ ዝብል መልሲ ከምዝረኸበት ኣፍሊጣ።

 

ገነት ብወገና፡ ሓያለ ግዜ ቴሌፎን ብምድዋል ደሃየን ክትረክብ ፈተነታት እኳ እንተካየደት፡ እንተኾነ ግን ፈጺመን ከምዘየልዓልኣ ትገልጽ። ሓደ እዋን ገነት ነታ ዝነኣሰት ጓል 28 ዓመት፡ ኣብ ከተማ ሃንደበት ረኸበታ’ሞ፡ ከመይ ከምዘለዋ ምስ ሓተተታ ግን፡ ከይመለሰትላ ረጊጻታ ከምዝኸደት ተረድእ።

 

ብዘይካ እዚ ገነት፡ ኣብቲ እታ ጓል 28 ዓመት ትመሃረሉ ኮለጅ ብምኻድ፡ ደሃያ ክትፈልጥ ፈቲና ነይራ። “ንመምህራና ደሃያ እንተለዎም ሓቲተዮም፡ እንተኾነ ግን ምስኣ ዋላ ሓንቲ ርክብ ከምዘይብሎም መሊሰሙለይ ትብል። ድሒሩ ከምዝተፈልጠ ግን፡ እዛ መንእሰይ ትምህርታ ኣቃሪጻቶ`ያ ነይራ።

 

ገነት በቲ ኣብዛ ቤተሰባ ኣጋጢሙ ዘሎ ድንገት ሞት፡ ኣዝያ ከምዝሓዘነት ብምግላጽ፡ እዛ ስድራቤት ግዳይ ስርዓተ ምሕደራ ነርወይ ኢያ ኮይና ክትብል ግን ትወቅስ።  ‘’ንሰብ ገንዘብ ጥራሕ ምሃብ ኣኻሊ ኣይኮነን፡ ብቐረባ ምክትታል’ዩ ክግበረን ነይርዎ።“

እዛ ስድራቤት ኣብ ብኮሙነ ዝውነን ገዛ ክትነብር ከምዝጸንሐት ክፍለጥ እንከሎ፡ ካብ መንግስቲ እንታይ ካልእ ሓገዛት ይረኽባ ነይረን ግን ዛጊት ዝተፈልጠ ነገር የለን።

 

መርመራፖሊስ

ፕሊስ ብወገኖም ብዛዕባ እዛ ስድራቤት ንጎረባብትን መቕርብን ብምሕታት ከምዝረጋገጾ፡ እዘን ደቀንስትዮ ካብ ሕብረተሰብ ገዛእ ርእሰን ኣግሊለን ከምዝጸንሓ፡ ካብ ኩሎም ዘዘራረቦም ተመሳሳሊ መልሲ ከምዝረኸቡ ኣረዲኦም።

 

ፖሊስ ስለምንታይ እዛ ስድራቤት ብሓደ ክትመውት ክኢላ ንዝብል ሕቶ ንምምላስ ሰለስተ ክልስ ሓሳባት ኣማዕቢሎም ኣለው። እዛ ስድራቤት ብመርዛም መግቢ፡ ብሕማም ወይ ብጥሜት ክትመውት ክኢላ ክትከውን ኣለዋ። ብጥሜት ድየን ሞይተ ንምፍላጥ ኣዝዩ ኣሸጋሪ’ዩ ምኽንያቱ፡ ካብ ዝሞታ ሓያለ ኣዋርሕ ኣሕሊፈን ስለዝተረኽባ ይብል መርማሪ ፕሊስ ሙኤን።

 

እቲ ካልእ ክልስ ሓሳብ ድማ ዝተመረዘ መግቢ ብምብላዕ ሞይተን ኪኾና ይኽእላ ኢየን ዝብል ኢዩ። እዚ እቲ ናይ ብሓቒ ጠንቂ ከምዝነበረ ንምፍላጥ ድማ፡ ናይ ክኢላታት ሓካይም መርመራ ይግበር ኣሎ። ፕሊስ ኣብ ውሽጢ እቲ ገዛ ኣብ ዝገበርዎ መርመራ፡ ኣሰር ዝተመረዘ መግቢ ኪረኽቡ ከምዘይከኣሉ ግን ይገልጹ። እቲ ጠንቂ ብመርዚ እንተኾይኑ ንምፍላጥ፡ እቲ መርመራ ሓያለ ኣዋርሕ ኪወስድ ከምዝኽእል ተሓቢሩ ኣሎ።

“እቲ ነዛ ስድራቤት ዘጋጠማ እንታይ ምኻኑ ንምፍላጥ ኣዝዩ ኣሸጋሪ ኢዩ“ ይብል ፓሊስ ሞአን።

ፕሊስ እዘን ደቀንስትዮ ብሓንሳብ ድየን ሞይተን ወይ ኣብ በበይኑ ግዜ’ውን ዛጊት ዝፈልጥዎ የብሎምን።

 

እዛ ስድራቤት፡ ኣብ ክረምቲ ከምዝሞተት ክፍለጥ እንከሎ፡ ብሰሪ እቲ ማሕበራዊ ርክብ ዘይምንባረን ግን፡ ድሕሪ ክልተ ሰለስተ ወርሒ ሬስአን ክርከብ ክኢሉ። እቲ ሞተን ዝተፈልጠ ድማ ሓንቲ ሰራሕተኛ መንግስቲ ርክበን ስለዘቋረጻ፡ ደሃይ ናይዛ ስድራ ክትገብር፡ ናብቲ ገዛ ምስ ከደት ዝኸፍታ ስለዝሰኣነት ንፕሊስ ድሕሪ ምሕባራ’ዩ እቲ ሞት እዛ ስድራቤት ክግሃድ ተኻኢሉ።

 

እዘን ኣደ ንኽልቲአን ደቀን ካብ ክልተ ዝተፈላለዩ ሰብኡት ከምዝወለድኦም ክፍለጥ እንከሎ፡ ምስ ክልቲኦም ወለደን’ውን ደቀን ኣዝዩ ልሕሉሕ ርክብ ከምዝነበረን ክፍለጥ ተኻኢሉ ኣሎ። እዛ ስድራቤት ነርወጃዊ ዜግነት ከምዝነበራን፡ እታ ጓል 28 ዓመት ኣብ ነርወይ ከምዝተወልደት’ዉን ብተወሳኺ ተፈሊጡ።

መርበብ ሓበሬታ ናትና፡ ንስድራቤት መወትቲ ጽንዓት ይሃብኩም ትብል።

 

ERITREAN NATIONAL SALVATION FRONT – HIDRI

ናይ ሓዘን መግለጺ

ገዲምሓርበኛ ተጋዳላይ ኪሮስ ወልደኣብ ብሃንደበት ብዕለት 16-10-2017 ካብዛ ዓለም ብሞት ተፈልዩና ኣሎ። ኣዝዩ ዘሕዝን ተረኽቦ ከኣ እዩ። ታሪክ ሂወት ኪሮስ ወልደኣብ ክግለጽ እንተዀይኑ ምሉእ ዕድምኡ ንሃገሩን ህዝቡን ኢሉ ብዘይምስልካይ ይቃለስ ከም ዝነበረ ከይተገልጸ ኣይሕለፍን እዩ። ኣብ ቃልሱ ብትብዓት፡ ተወፋይነት፡ ጅግንነት ዝፍለጥ ኰይኑ፣ ነቕ ዘይብል ሃገራዊ ክብርን ስምዒትተሓንጊጡብዓል ጽኑዕ መትከል ዝዀነ ሓርበኛ ተጋዳለይ እዩ ነይሩ።

እንተዀነ ግን ሃገርና ኤርትራ ካልእስ ይትረፍ ክሳብ ለይቲ ሎሚ ንብምሉእ ልቡ ዝተቓለሰላን ዝሰንከለላን ዝደኸመላን ክትከውን ገና ኣይበቕዐትን ዘላ። ትረፍዶ ከም ኪሮስ ዝኣመሰሉ ሓርበኛታት ንሃገሮም ክኣትዉ፣ ብኣንጻሩ ብሚእትታት ኣሽሓት ዝቚጸሩ ኤርትራው መብዛሕትኦም ንኡስ ወለዶ ዝዀኑ ሃገር ተስፋ ዘይብላ ምዃና ስለ ዝስተውዓሉ ጠንጢኖማ ይወጽኡ ኣለዉ።

ተጋዳላይ ኪሮስ ወልደኣብ ድማ ነዚ ብግቡእ ተረዲኡ ክሳብዛ ዝዓረፈላ ዕለት ከይሰልከየ ክቃለስ ጸኒሑ እዩ። ብተመሳሳሊ መልክዑ መቓልስቱን በዓልቲ-ቤተኡን ዝዀነት ኤልሳ በርሀ (ኣብ ፓልቶክ ብጀብሃዊት ዝብል ሳጓ ትፍለጥ) ኣብዚ ቃልሲ ካብተን ብንጥፈት ዝቃለሳ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ሓንቲ እያ። እምበኣረይከስ ንሓርበኛ ኪሮስ እግዚኣብሔር ኣብ መንግስተ-ሰማዩ ይቀበሎ ንቤተ-ሰቡ ከኣ ጠሊ ይግደፈሎም። ንሓርበኛ ተጋዳሊት በዓልቲ ቤቱ ንኪሮም ወልደኣብ ኤልሳ ከምኡ’ውንደቃ ምስ ምሉኣት ስድራ-ቤት ጽንዓት ይሃቦም።

 

ድሕነት ህዝብን ሃገርን ልዕሊ ኩሉ!!

ዜናን ባህልን ቤት ጽሕፈት

ግሃድኤ-ሕድሪ

20-10-2017

ACTION FOR THE ERITREAN 700

STOP ERITREAN DEPORTATIONS NOW!

We – Americans of Eritrean descent – are calling for the U.S. government to save 700 of our fellow Eritreans who are here in America from imminent torture or death at the hands of the brutal, dictatorial regime that rules Eritrea.

On September 13, 2017, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) issued a directive to expedite the deportation of approximately 700 Eritreans from the U.S. Those 700 – mostly lawabiding residents – appear to be at immediate risk of being sent home to Eritrea, where we believe they would face torture, long term imprisonment, or murder by the regime.

Eritrea: The Police State

Eritrea is a small country in the Horn of Africa. It is a police state, and it is widely referred to as “the North Korea of Africa.” Its government’s merciless brutality toward its citizens has been documented and denounced by the U.S. State Department, the United Nations, and many major human rights organizations. Citizens live in constant fear of surveillance, arbitrary arrest, torture, malnutrition, detention within a gulag of underground prisons, and indefinite military service under slave-like conditions. Citizens who are deported from other countries are at particular peril. We wish to voice our fears on behalf of the 700 in the U.S., and to implore the U.S. government to halt any deportations until Eritrea becomes safe for the individuals to return.

Why Deportation?

The 700 here are under final removal orders issued by American immigration courts. To our knowledge, few are under those orders for having committed crimes here. Rather, many or most had applied in good faith for asylum in the U.S., but they had simply lost their asylum claims. Often they lost their cases because they lacked legal counsel, because the immigration judges did not understand the dire state of human rights in Eritrea, or both.

In recent years, few Eritreans have been deported from the U.S. The reason appears to have been that the Eritrean government had refused to cooperate with the deportations – specifically, had refused to issue travel documents to the individuals under final removal orders. In the September 13 directive, DHS sought to remedy that situation by causing the State Department to issue a broad ban on in-bound visas from Eritrea to the U.S., as a means of pressuring the Eritrean regime to issue the travel documents for out-bound deportees.

Why Eritrea?

Eleven additional countries have also refused to issue travel papers for U.S. deportees. But DHS chose to place visa restrictions on only four of them, including Eritrea, and to press for Eritrean deportations, apparently without considering the horrors that would likely befall those deported to Eritrea. We do not object to the ban on in-bound visas. But we fervently, and with broken hearts, object to Eritreans being deported to an excruciating fate.

We urge members of Congress to use all influence they may have to cause DHS and ICE to halt the deportation of Eritreans until that country is safe – especially Eritreans whose only shortcoming here is that their asylum claims were denied.

PLEASE HELP SAVE THE ERITREAN 700! References

A. DHS’s recent directive.

1. DHS’s September 13, 2017 directive appears here: https://www.dhs.gov/news/2017/09/13/dhsannounces-implementation-visa-sanctions-four-countries .

2. A summary of the directive by The New York Times appears here: https://www.nytimes.com/2017/09/13/us/politics/visa-sanctions-criminal-convicts.html?_r=0 .

3. An earlier warning by The Washington Post as to the consequences of potential Eritrean deportations appears here: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2017/08/24/the-us-wants-to-deportmore-eritreans-heres-what-would-happen-to-them-if-they-were-forced-toreturn/?utm_term=.11f2fc374e40 .

B. Eritrean human rights, refugees and asylum claims, generally.

1. The America Team for Displaced Eritreans. http://eritreanrefugees.org/ .

2. Asylum claims and deportation consequences. http://eritreanrefugees.org/wpcontent/uploads/2016/10/ERITREAN-ASYLUM-CLAIMS-SUMMARY-BY-THE-AMERICATEAM-FOR-DISPLACED-ERITREANS.pdf .

C. Deportation means likely torture or execution. The following sources have reported that Eritreans who are deported to Eritrea – after having been denied asylum in another country, or under some other circumstances – are likely to be severely punished by the Eritrean government:

1. Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada: https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/eoir/legacy/2014/10/01/ERI104941.E%20.pdf

2. Amnesty International: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/afr640012013.pdf , at pp. 30-31, 27

3. Amnesty International: https://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/eritrea-desertersreport.pdf , at pp. 9, 54, 57

4. UN Human Rights Council’s Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea: https://documents-ddsny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G15/114/50/PDF/G1511450.pdf?OpenElement , at pp. 7, 21.

5. UK Upper Tribunal: http://reliefweb.int/report/united-kingdom-great-britain-and-northernireland/eritreans-face-real-danger-return and http://www.refworld.org/publisher,GBR_UTIAC,,ERI,57fc91fc4,0.html 6. Meron Estefanos, quoted in EU Observer: https://euobserver.com/migration/137489

7. Gerry Simpson, writing for Human Rights Watch: https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/05/30/sudan-hundreds-deported-likely-abuse

8. Abraham Zere, writing for Carnegie Council: https://www.carnegiecouncil.org/publications/articles_papers_reports/987

“ዋና ዘይብሉ ነገር ጥፉእ ማሕለኻ ዘይብሉ ጸባ ድፉእ”

 Image result for ERITREAN NATIONAL SALVATION FRONT – HIDRI logo

“ዋና ዘይብሉ ነገር ጥፉእ ማሕለኻ ዘይብሉ ጸባ ድፉእ”

ኣብ ዝሓለፈ እዋን ኣብ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣመሪካ ዝተፈላለዩ ማዕበላት ተኸሲቶም ከም ዝነበሩ ይፍለጥ። ቅድሚ ማሪያ ተባሂሉ ዝተሰምየ ብዙሓት ሰባት ዝቐተለን ንብረት ዘውደመን ማዕበል ነይሩ። ንሱ ድማ ሃርቪ (Harvey) ተባሂሉ ዝተሰምየ ብፍላይ ኣብ ኣከባቢ ሁስተን ተክሳስ (Houston- Texas) ናይ ሰብ ህልቀትን መሬት ብማይ ኣጥለቕሊቑ ናይ ንብረት ብርሰትን ከም ዘውረደ ኣብ ናይ ዓለም ናይ ዜና ማዕከናት ሃጊጉ ዝውረ ዝነበረ እዩ። ዋናታቱ ከኣ ንማዕበል ዝወረዶም ዜጋታቶም ክሕግዙ ክጓየዩ ርኢና።

ኣብ’ዚ እዋን’ዚ ድማ ቀዳማይ ስሙ ሃርቪ (Harvey Weinstein) ዝተባህለ ኣመሪካዊ ኣብ ሓንቲ “ፊልም” እትሰርሕ ትካል ብሓላፍነት ደረጃ ይሰርሕ ከም ዝነበረ ይንገር። ከም ደቂ-ተባዕትዮ ቡዙሓት መንእሰያት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ከም ተዋሳእቲ ኰይነን ኣብቲ “ፊልምታት” ክሰርሓ ብእኡ ኣቢለን ድማ ክፍለጣ እሞ ሂወተን ከመሓይሻን ክልውጣንዝደልያ ይቑጸራ እየን። ሃርቪ ነቲ ዝነበሮ ስልጣንን ሓላፍነትን ተጠቒሙ ንሓጺር ውልቃዊ ስምዒቱ ንምርዋይ ኢሉ ነተን መንእሰያት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ይዕምጽ ከም ዝነበረ ናይ ዓለም ናይ ዜና ማዕከናት ብዝሃገገ መልክዑ ክዝንይኦ ይርኣያ ኣለዋ። ብርግጽ ዓመጽ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ክኹነን ዘለዎ ተግባር እዩ። ስለ ዝዀነ ድማ ንጓል ኣንስተይቲ ብዘይድልየታ ዝዓመጸ ከም ኣህጉራዊ ገበን ተራእዩ ዝዀነ ነቲ ጉዳይ ክርእዮን ቅኑዕ ፍርዲ ክህበሉን ተገይሩ ኣሎ ኣብ’ዚ ዘለናዮ እዋን ፍሉጥ እዩ።

ብዝዀነ ግን “ሰብ ዘለዎ ኣራፊዱ ይመውት” ከም ዝበሃል፡ እዘን ሕጂ እንዳቀረባ ተበዲልና ዝብላ ዘለዋ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ብውሕዱ ንሳተን ብዝበልኦ ጥራይ ሰሚዑ ኩሉ ሰብ ነቲ ናይ ሃርቪ ባህርን ስራሕን ይኹንኖ ኣሎ። ሕጂ ድማ ዝምልከቶም ዋናታትን ወከልቲ እቲ ህዝብን ፍትሒ ንኸረጋግጹ ይጽዕሩ ኣለዉ።ንሕና’ውን በዚ ኣጋጣሚ’ዚ ንከም’ዚ ዓይነት ስራሕ ንኹንኖ።

ኣብ ሓደ ዓዲ ሓደ ወዲ ንሓንቲ ጓል ኣንስተይቲ “ኪዲ ፈሪዕ” ኢሉዋ ይበሃል። ንሳ ድማ እንታይ ማለት እዩ ፈሪዕ ኢላ ምስ ሓተተቶ፡ ንሱ ከኣ ምልስ ኢሉ ወሓለ ማለት እዩ ኢሉ መለሰላ። ንሳ ድማ ንዓይ ግዳይ እንታይ ርኢኻ ፈሪዕ ካልኦት ኣለዋ ብዙሓት ፈራሪዕ ኢላቶ ይበሃል። ሕጂ ከኣ ገና እንታይ ርኢኹም ዓመጽን ናይ ሃርቪ ተግባርን ባህርን። ካልኦት ኣለዉ ብዙሓት ሃርቪታት ኣብ ኤርትራ። ስልጣኖምን ጽልውኦምን ተጠቒሞም ንደቂ-ኣንስትዮና ትረፍዶ ክጣበቑለን ናይ ባርነት ስራሕ ክሰርሓ ምግዳድ ጥራሕ ዘይኰነስ፡ ካብ ዝለዓሉ መራሕቲ ጭፍራ ህግደፍ ክሳብ

ዝተሓቱ ንደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ብዘይ ድልየተን መርወዪ ስምዒቶምን መሐጐሲኦምን መጻወቲ ገይሮም ይጥቀሙለን ኣለዉ።  እዚ ተግባር እዚ ከም ባህሊ ኰይኑ ክኸይድን ክስርሓሉን ከኣ ተገይሩ ኣሎ። እዚ ፖለቲካዊ ጸለመ ዘይኰነስ ብኣህጉራዊ ደረጃ ከይተረፈ ዝተረጋገጸ ጉዳይ እዩ። “ዋና ዘይብሉ ነገር ጥፉእ፡ ማሕለኻ ዘይብሉ ጸባ ድፉእ”ዝብል ምስሎኣ ኣበው ኣለና።

መሲልኩም እንታይ ኣምጺእኩም ከም ዝበሃል፡ ጉዳይ ወጽዓ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ሃገርና ኤርትራ ካብ’ዚ ናይ ሃርቭን ካልኦትን ዝገብርዎ ብ1000 ግዜ ዝተዓጻጸፈንዝኸፍአን ከኣ እዩ። ዓው ኢልካ ዘይብከዮ ሞት ሕጹይ ከኣ ኰይኑ ኣሎ።ብዘለውኦ ማሕበራዊ ቦታ ዘጋጠመን ኩሉ ክዛረባ ከም ዘይክእላ ፍሉጥ እዩ። መዳርግቲ ዘይብሉ ወጽዓ ኣብ ልዕሊ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮና ግን ይወርድ ኣሎ። ብርግጽ ነታ ኣደ፡ ጓል፡ ሓፍቲ፡ ሓፍቲ ኣቦ፡ ሓትኖ ወዘተ ዝዀነት ጓሎ ኣንስተይቲ ክሳብ ክንድዚ ክትድፈር ኣይግባእን። ኣቦታትና ስቚ ኢሎም ኣይኰኑን “ኣብ ርስቱን ሰበይቱን ዘይመውት የለን” ዝበሉ። ቀጺሎም ናይ ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ኣብ ማሕበራዊ ጉዳይ ዘለዋ ቦታን ከምኡ’ውን ተራንኣብ ልዕሊኣ ዘሎ ጸቕጥን ብምርኣይ፡ ብምዕዛብን ብምስትብሃልን “ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ኣፋ እዩ ምስክራ” ዝዀነ ወዲ-ተባዕታይ እየ ዝብል ከኣ ክከላኸለላ ይግባእ ይብሉ። እዚ ኣብ’ቲ “ድሑራት እዮም፡ ኣይሰልጠኑን” እንብሎም ኣቦታትና ኰነ ኣቦ-ሓጎታትና ዝነበረ እዋን ጸገም ጓል-ኣንስተይቲ ምርዳእ ኣብ’ዚ ግዜ’ዚ ጠፊኡ እንተተባህለ ዝጋነን ኣይኰነን።

ከም ዝፍለጥ ናይ ሃርቪ ዓመጽ ዋናታት ስለ ዘለዉዎ ገና ብናይ ኣመሪካን እንግሊዝን ፖሊስ ኣብ መርመራ እዩ ዘሎ። ጭብጥታት ክደልየ ከኣ ይሰርሑ ኣለዉ። ድሕሪ’ዚ ናብ ቤት ፍርዲ ክቐርብ ይኽእል። ናይ ኤርትራዊት ወጽዓ ግን ዋና ስለ ዝሰኣነት ትረፍዶ ክጽናዕን ክምርመርን እቲ ብኣህጉራዊ ትካላት ተጸኒዑ ዝቐረበ እንዳሃለወ’ውን በደል ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ኤርትራ ዝኣምንን ዘይኣምንን ኰና ኣለና። ስለ’ዚ ነቲ ብጭብጢ ዝተሰነየ ወጽዓ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ኤርትራ ፍትሒ ከነረጋግጽ ብትብዓትን ጽንዓትን ንቃለስ።

 

ድሕነት ህዝብን ሃገርን ልዕሊ ኩሉ!!

ዜናን ባህልን ቤት ጽሕፈት

ግሃድኤ-ሕድሪ

12-10-2017

Everyone in Eritrea is desperate to flee, including the President’s son OCTOBER 11, 2017 by ABRAHAM T. ZERE

In today’s Eritrea, there is no difference between the jailer and the jailed. The political culture is so violent and desperate that the president’s own son attempted to escape the country.

President Isaias Afwerki’s erratic and mercurial temperament – he has been the head of a one-party dictatorship since independence in 1993 – has culminated in a profoundly dysfunctional nation. A “hit and run” style has replaced any thoughtful long-term planning. Not being able to count on any stable or secure future, many public servants place their energy into amassing as much capital as possible, by any available means. 

The distinctive political culture of Eritrea suffers from an unclear boundary between the abuser and the victim. A guard can switch places with his/her captive at any moment. Some of the most notorious prison commanders and security chiefs who terrorized the nation with unchecked power end up in the harshest dungeons; many of them in prison facilities they have had commanded. Such perilous uncertainty enables the president to keep his subordinates guessing.

In the current Eritrean political landscape, officials are usually promoted to key posts only after being humiliated and pacified through an intricate web of control designed by Afwerki.

For example, Brigadier Gen. Eyob “Halibay” Fessahaye was among the first of the army’s command officers to be incarcerated for alleged corruption in the early 1990s. President Afwerki announced and read the charges against Halibay in a public seminar. Halibay was a sacrificial lamb and his incarceration a warning to the other officers. Shocked at this severe reversal of fortune just as he was preparing to take a new post as internal security chief, Halibay attempted to commit suicide twice while in jail. Later, after his release, in a bizarre twist Afwerki gave him an important post as head of a commission in charge of privatizing government houses.

Having gone through the compulsory dehumanization process, Halibay now commands the Special Forces, the elite commandos. Friends who visited him during his incarceration were later rewarded bountifully after he gained power. Of course, Halibay still has no freedom; he was denied an exit visa for a medical checkup in 2016.

Nesredin Bekhit is another example of the president’s tactic of cutting a rising official down to size and then rehabilitating them as a way to secure his fear-based loyalty. In the mid-1990s, Bekhit was imprisoned on corruption charges that were publicized in the national media. In 2014, after his degradation and release, he became the minister of trade and industry. 

Unlike other ministers, Bekhit spends his time now on the border with the Sudan, Ali-ghider, where he runs the ruling party’s contraband business. While all imports have been outlawed to regular citizens since 2003, Mr. Bekhit can grant import permits to his close associates and former inmates. He has turned some of his friends into overnight millionaires. 

Corruption among select high-ranking officials, mainly in the army, is not only allowed but encouraged. The president can use knowledge of their corrupt activities as leverage, to ensure their loyalty. With the implicit support of Afwerki, army commanders are protected in their corruption, including involvement in the complex racket of human trafficking, as long as they remain loyal.

Among others, General Filipos Woldeyohannes, the chief of staff and de facto minister of defense, and others such as Brigadier Gen. Tekle “Manjus” Kiflay have the green light from the president to pursue personal gain.

Most organs of the ruling party and the government collaborate in organized corruption, mainly by using intimidation and bankruptcy to control and ruin businesspeople. Yet it’s not easy to keep track of when exactly someone runs out of favor with the president. That happened recently to Mr. Yemane Tesfai, the former manager of the Commercial Bank of Eritrea, who ended up in jail for enabling various forms of corruption.

Another way that President Afwerki maintains and wields power is by fomenting feuds among his subordinates. He keeps close watch on any animosity between military commanders as a primary means of fortifying his own position. It’s no secret among observant citizens that all the top military commanders and most influential government ministers bear deep animosity against one another.

A grievous misreading of the president’s psyche cost Ms. Luel Ghebreab, the former chair of the National Union of Eritrean Women, her job. She mistakenly assumed it was safe to mediate a life-long feud between her husband, Major Gen. Teklai Habteselassie and the late Major Gen. Gebregziabher “Wuchu” Andemariam, when General Wuchu was bed-ridden. After Ms. Ghebreab mediated the dispute, the news quickly reached the president. He called and intimidated her, asking who had delegated her this responsibility. Then he instructed her to immediately conduct congress and vacate her post. Of course, nobody would question such orders from the head of state. Having gone through this public humiliation and left jobless for more than three years, this past July was Ghebreab reinstated as minister of labor and human welfare.

The president’s application of fear and terror are manifested in different forms. He verbally and physically abuses most of his subordinates including ministers and celebrities. For example, in 2010 Afwerki granted a rare interview with Al-Jazeera English. The presenter, the South African Jane Dutton, proceeded to openly challenge Afwerki about state abuses and authoritarianism in Eritrea. Irritated by her questions, the president called the journalist “insane.” (Watch) Post-interview Afwerki struck his information minister, Ali Abdu, who had arranged the interview, in front of his staff. Abdu was once Afwerki’s mentee, whom the president treated like his son. Among the most privileged and close associates of the president, he in turn terrorized the nation’s art community and state news media into abject compliance for a decade. Yet, despite closely following Afwerki’s template of terror and repression in the Ministry of Information, he decided in 2012 that he had to flee for his own safety and sought political asylum in Australia. 

As a management practice, Afwerki employs physical assault to derail confidence and instill insecurity in top government officials. This practice can become life threatening at times. About a year before his imprisonment with an alleged role in the January 2013 military mutiny, Abdella Jabir, the former head of Organizational Affairs and one of the top five executives of the ruling party (People’s Front for Democracy and Justice), was violently ambushed in the capital, Asmara, by supposedly “unidentified” assailants. Never publicized, this assault was neither a robbery nor an attack by political dissidents. Having recovered from his assault, Jabir continued his normal functions in the party until his eventual arrest. 

The president treats family members as he treats his subordinates. He routinely belittles and ridicules his eldest son, Abraham, and reportedly has stopped communications with his youngest son, Berhane, over the last four years. Frustrated with the dysfunctional, corrupt system and his father’s abusive treatment, Berhane Isaias Afwerki attempted to flee the country illegally in 2015. He was intercepted by border patrols while preparing to be smuggled out from the border town of Tessenei. Initially the border security who discovered him were not aware that he was the president’s son. 

It is this complex and enigmatic nature of President Afwerki that has rendered de facto the political culture of today’s Eritrea. The long-term consequences of a new nation with such political culture is not difficult to guess.

Everyone in Eritrea is desperate to flee, including the President’s son